Bishko opens his historical dissertation on this subject by stating, “the first essential to recognize that, like so many other features of Iberian civilization, cattle ranching in the Middle Ages was virtually peculiar the Peninsula, una Cosa de Espana.
Rodero and Delgado state that “from historical beginning there existed in the Betic region a predominance of animal farming over agriculture (crop farming).
The geographical characteristics of the land and the depopulation occasioned by the continuous fighting throughout eight centuries against Arabs produced the conditions to reach good development of Andalusian (animal) farming, (cowboy) technology.
The Spanish horse (Barb) and sheep are considered the oldest classically characterized breeds, followed by the Granadina Goat and Fighting Bull, (Ganado prieto/ Bos Taurus Iberious).
There is no agreement between these authorities as to which sheep breed is the older between the Spanish Merino and the Spanish Churro Lebrijano/Ovis Aries studery.
If the Merino was introduced by the Moors as has been noted by some historians then the Churro may be the first Spanish Sheep.
Bishko continues, “cattle were, of course raised almost everywhere in medieval Europe, for their dairy products, milk, cheese, butter; as draft animals the indispensable ox; and their meat, tallow, and hides.
But such cattle were either a strictly subordinate element in manorial crop agriculture, in which peasants might own at best a few cows and a yoke or two of oxen, or they were bred, eg, in certain parts of Normandy, Wales and Ireland, on small dairy feeder farms.
In the Medieval Peninsula, cattle raising of these two types was widely distributed, but most strongly established in what might be called the Iberian Humid Crescent, the rainy, fertile crop and grasslands that stretch from Beria in central Portugal up through Galicia, swing east across the Cantarian Pyrenean valleys, with certain southern salients like the Leonese Tierra de Campos, the comarca of Burgos and the Rioja Alta, and finally turn south into Catalonia.
Throughout this region nobles, peasants, churches, and monasteries raised considerable stock on the basis of small herds (greyes) averaging twenty to thirty head.
These humid zoned cattle belonged to still surviving northern Iberian razas: Gallegas, Minhotas, Barrosas, Arouguesas and Mirandesas in Galicia, Minho, Tras-os-Montes, and Beria Alta; Asturias in the Cantabrians; and various sub-breed of Pirenaicas between the Basque provinces and the Mediterranean.
In color they ran predominantly to solid or mixed shades of white, cream dun, yellow and the lighter and medium reds and browns, and they were in general docile, easily handled and admirably suited to dairy, beef, and draft needs.” According to Rodero, Andalusian ranching reached importance because, “the characteristics of the land, especially the eastern zone of the Guadalquivir valley where there was a predominance of mountains, difficult for agriculture” (crop farming) and because the proximity to borders occupied by Arabs created a need to have easily portable property such as hoof stock.
Luso-Hispanics had large tracts of lands available for cattle and sheep driving as a result of hundreds of years of depopulating by the many wars.
Hoof stock stayed very isolated resulting in the development of local breeds. “Animal farming had a notable development in Cordoba during the lower middle ages.
Livestock came from Extremadura, populated during the 13th century Baena, Espiel, Belmez, Tolote, Onego, Trassierra, and also Cordoba cite, Aguilar, Priego, Cabra, Ecija, and Palma del Rio.
The most abundant was the ovine species (sheep), followed by porcine, (pigs), and bovine,(cattle), and also the equine, (horses/asses)” – Rodero.
Bishko agrees, “because Fuenteovenjuna (Cordova) was the principle sheep center during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the prices of wool were controlled there. But the raising of cattle on dairy or stock farms, or as a subsidiary to dirt-farming, is not ranching, which implies the ranging of cattle in considerable numbers over extensive grazing grounds for the primary purpose of large-scale production of beef and hides.
With the possible exception of the Hungarian Plain and western portions of the British Isles, for both of which areas we badly need careful pastoral studies, medieval Iberia appears to have been the only part, as it was unquestionably the most important part, of medieval Europe to advance to this third level of cattle raising.
While the precise circumstances must remain obscure, the available charters and fueros enable us to determine that a genuine ranch cattle industry evolved in the Peninsula in the late eleventh and twelfth centuries, under Alfonso VI and Alfonso VII of León-Castile.
Its birthplace was not the Humid Crescent, but that portion of the sub humid or arid interior tableland of the Meseta Central lying between the middle course of the Duero River and the massive sierras of Gata, Gredos, and Guadarrama; or, more specifically, the tierras of Zamora and Salamanca in León, and those of Segovia and Avila in southern Old Castile. From this original area of its nativity, cattle ranching, on an ever increasing scale, expanded southward in the van of reconquista colonization.
By the later twelfth century it had moved, along with the sheep industry of León, Castile and Portugal, into the broad pasturelands of New Castile, Extremadura and Alentejo, the latter region apparently being the cradle of the Portuguese ranching system which was later extended into Algarve, the Atlantic Islands and the Brazilian sertao.
On this southern half of the meseta, chiefly to the west of a line running through central New Castile, Castilian and Portuguese military orders, nobles and townsmen grazed thousands of cattle, although in both numbers and economic importance these were less significant than the great sheep flocks of the Mesta and other owners.
But this situation was reversed after 1250, with Ferdinand III’s reconquest of Andalusia, when royal repartimientos assigned to cattlemen rather than to sheep raisers the bulk of the campos, campiñas and marismas of the Guadalquivir valley.
As a result, the Andalusian plain became in the latter Middle Ages the one region of the Peninsula, and perhaps of all Europe, where pastoral life, and indeed agricultural life in general, was dominated by a thriving, highly organized cattle-ranching economy.
The fact that many of the early colonists of the Canaries and the Indies came from this Andalusian cattle kingdom, which was at its height in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, or from the not too dissimilar cattle ambiente of Extremadura, provides one significant clue to the promotion of cattle over sheep ranching in the American colonies. Just why medieval Castile and Portuguese Alentejo became the site of this widespread ranch cattle industry is a complex question.
The only factor usually mentioned, the taking over or imitation of an already established Moorish cattle-ranching system, is clearly of secondary consequence.
Some Moorish influence there undoubtedly was, especially in Andalusia, but the Berber was not much of a cattleman in North Africa, nor did he abandon in the Peninsula his typically Mediterranean preference for mutton over beef.comparatively little in the techniques, vocabulary, dress or equipment of the Castilian and Portuguese cowboy can be traced to Moorish sources; and it is significant that the predominance of the old Iberian breeds of cattle was not adversely affected by African strains, as happened after the Moorish importation of the merino sheep and the Barb horse. The really decisive factors determining the development of medieval Iberian cattle ranching appear to have been four in number, all of them native to the Peninsula: the presence, as in almost every phase of medieval Luso-Hispanic life, of numerous active, enterprising and ambitious individuals, many of whom were already familiar with Humid Crescent pastoralism and swiftly realized the broader opportunities presented by the conquest of the meseta grazing grounds.
Whether nobles, churchmen or town-dwelling ganaderos, such men were the first true prototypes of the cattle ranchers of the Indies.” The words ganaderos, ganaderia vacuna, ganado, etc.come from the infinitive Spanish word ganar, to earn a wage, a living, (money).
In the context of this paper a ganado refers to a general herd or flock of livestock and ganaderia vacuna means a cow herd.
The name ultimately assigned to the select species of bull used for bull fights, Ganado Bravo, literally means wild or bold cattle. Another root word referred to frequently in the Spanish ranching lexicon is the infinitive mudar, to move.
A remuda refers to a herd or group of livestock in a range drive “moving” from one location generally to market.
Remuda most often heard in reference to the group of cowponies used in a cattle drive, is also a remuda caballada.
The group of cattle on a drive is a remuda vacada, as is the term remuda boregada for sheep. “(2) the transformation imposed upon Castilian and Portuguese agriculture by the frontier advance from northern, rainy, good-soiled European conditions onto the interior sub humid plains of the meseta (Köppen BS; Thornthwaite DB’d, DB’s), with their scarcity of water, poor soils and predominantly mattoral-type bush vegetation (the monte bajo of the stockman) — an environmental change that affected medieval Iberian life as radically as, in W.
Webb’s view, occupation of the Great Plains did American.
Extremes of aridity and deficiencies of browse restricted cattle ranching chiefly to the western half of the meseta; Aragon was always strong sheep country, and in eastern New Castile, ie, La Mancha, cattlemen were relatively few. (3) the Reconquista, which for centuries created frontier areas on the meseta where Christians and Moors often raided or fought; where the population huddled in large, widely spaced towns separated by despoblados; where rural labor was scarce and crop-farming hazardous; and where cattle and sheep, being mobile and little demanding, had obvious advantages.
Royal colonization policies, with their predilection for large seigneurial and municipal grants, further accentuated pastoral trends.” The old adage that necessity is the mother of invention applies well here.
Under these challenging circumstances it was necessary to move on and up (invent) to a higher level of animal farming technology unseen in other parts of Europe and the world where pastoral peoples could safely, contentedly continue their small family enterprises maintaining “good enough” methods where neither the livestock nor their keepers were subjected to the constant Iberian stresses and rigors of Darwinian survival of the fittest tests and living long enough to reproduce. “(4) the special breed of cattle that developed on the meseta and the Andalusian Plain, cattle unique in medieval Europe.
Moorish strains, as already observed, never became prominent; some North-African stock was brought in, but these were, as the reference to them in Cabeza de Vaca shows, the brown Atlas shorthorns still found in Morocco, and not to be confused with the native breeds of the Peninsula. The cattle of Castilian and Portuguese ranching were — as nearly as a very amateur zoötechnician can determine — the result of various degrees of crossing between lighter-colored European types of all-purpose cow found in the Humid Crescent, and the wild, or semi-wild, black, dark red, and dark brown descendents of that uniquely Iberian strain, Bos taurus ibericus , the ancestor of the modern fighting bull.
Mingling upon the meseta as the reconquista frontier drove southward, these two razas, (breeds), produced a very hardy hybrid stock, varying astonishingly in color and color combinations from creams, yellows and duns to deep browns, reds and blacks – -a stock characterized by markedly feral instincts and often complete wildness.
Such cattle were valuable chiefly for their tough hides and stringy beef.
Medieval Castilians, however, were proud of them.
The Siete Partidas notes with satisfaction that animals born in the hot frontier country were larger and stronger than those of the humid region; one fifteenth century writer, Fernando de la Torre, calls Castile the tierra de bravos toros ; another claims for her los mas grandes y mejores toros del mundo. These cattle, unsuited for dairy or draft purposes, compelled the criaderos, charros and serranos of Castile and Portugal to abandon their cozy little cow pastures for the open range, to take to the horse for herding, to perfect systematic methods of long-distance grazing, periodical round-ups, branding, overland drives, and so forth — in short, to invent cattle ranching.
These too are the cows whose long, stern faces, low-swinging heads, formidable horns, narrow sides and long legs appear on the opening pages of the family photograph albums of nearly every criollo breed of the Americas from the longhorns of the pampas to the longhorns of Texas.” Criollo is a Spanish term which is applied to American livestock born of European parents; reference – El Diccionario Internacional, Simon and Schuster 1973.
Corriente is a Spanish term meaning common.
The Corriente cattle of the Americas may or may not have been derived of pure and or hybridized Iberian strains as further expounded herein, however, upon being transplanted in the Americas it became feral multiplying by the hundreds of thousands in effect becoming the “common/corriente” criollo strain and thusly evolving itself over the next five hundred years into a recognized breed, separate and distinct from the newer breeds imported by other European countries.
Through a combination of natural selection and later selective breeding for horns the Corriente subspecies of longhorn cattle have developed their own line in North America. Bishko -“These range cattle of the meseta and Andalusian Plain gave rise to a characteristic Iberian and, later, Ibero-American phenomenon, the ganado bravo or unbranded wild cattle existing in some numbers on the fringes of the ranching industry as a result of loose herding methods and the frontier conditions of the cattle country.” Like the name given the common Peninsular scrub sheep, Churra in Spanish, the multitudes of range cattle were similarly dubbed common cattle in Spanish, the corriente cattle. “The co-existence of herded, branded cows and wild, ownerless ones was a regular feature of peninsular ganadería vacuna long before there appeared across the ocean the very much larger wild herds of Española, New Spain, Brazil, the River Plate, and other regions; just as the medieval hunts of ganado bravo by mounted hunters, using dogs and armed with lances and pikes, anticipated the great monterías and vaquerías of Cuba, Española and the pampas. From this same cattle background arose the fiesta brava, the bullfight, a prominent element in Iberian and Ibero-American social history that has too long been left to amateur historians.
Much imaginative nonsense has been written about the alleged Roman or Moorish origins of the bullfight; but if one relies solely on historical evidence it seems highly probable that toreo first developed in the cattle ambiente of the meseta in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
To this day the suerte de picar and the suerte de banderillear display old traditional techniques of handling and hunting range cattle, and the still archaic organization of bull raising and the corrida illumines certain otherwise obscure aspects of medieval ranching.
For the intimate relationship existing in the Iberian mind between cow-punching, ganado bravo, and the bullfight, no better example can be cited than the familiar descriptions of the discovery of the buffalo in Cabeza de Vaca, Oñate, Villagrá, Castañeda, and others, passages whose strong ranching, cow hunting, and bullfighting flavor has never been fully appreciated.
When, on the Great Plains of North America, as absolutely nowhere else in the Western hemisphere, Castilians encountered animals resembling cows, they naturally looked upon them as the ganado bravo declared by the Siete Partidas to be in the public domain.
Despite certain visible evidence to the contrary, it followed that these animals must be ferocious, long-horned, risky to approach and, like difficult toros de lidia, given to attacking from the side and exceedingly dangerous to horses.
Doubtless someone dismounted to try a verónica with his cape. In the sixteenth century not only the cow but the organization, methods and customs of the peninsular ranching system reached the Indies, there to become the enduring foundation of Latin-American ranching to the present day, the trunk from which have stemmed the various regional traditions that distinguish Mexican cattle techniques from Argentine, or Brazilian from Venezuelan.
What was the nature of these parent institutions? The ecological and frontier conditions of the reconquista, together with the steady demand for beef and hides, produced in portions of medieval Castile and Alentejo a fairly numerous class of cattle ranchers, although only in Andalusia did these outnumber the ubiquitous sheepmen.
Of these peninsular cowmen a small but powerful seigneurial group were large operators, with herds (cabañas, hatos) running up to a thousand or more head.
Such, for example was the rancher-noble Don Juan Alfonso de Benavides, who ca. 1306 ranged up to around 800 cows; or the Castilian Dominican nunneries of Santo Domingo de Caleruega, Santo Domingo de Madrid and Santa Clara de Guadalajara, with 1000, 1500, and 1000 head, respectively.
The military orders of Castile and Portugal also belonged to this group, with their extensive ranges held as encomiendas in New Castile, Andalusia, Alentejo and Algarve.
In 1302, the Castilian branch at Uclés of the Order of Santiago had at least a thousand head, while the Orders of Santiago de León and of Calatrava found it necessary to appoint special administrative officials for their great herds, the comendadores de las vacas, who were subject to supervision by visitadores. Recognition of the dividing line between municipal and seigneurial cattle ranching in medieval Iberia is basic to its proper understanding.
The distinction finds reflection not merely in disparity of size between town ranching outfits and those of the nobles, monasteries and military orders at the top of the industry, but in differences of organization, land use and pasturage and marketing rights.
Seigneurial ranching operated far more freely than municipal, which partly explains why the cabildos of the Indies had so much difficulty imposing livestock controls upon the new colonial landed classes.
While abundant data on vaqueros’ wages and the prices of hides, leather and meat can be found in the cuadernos of the medieval Castilian and Portuguese Cortes, neither these nor the royal law codes contain any considerable body of restrictive legislation aimed at close control of seigneurial cattle ranching. Municipal ranchers, on the other hand, were rigorously supervised by the local town government, the concejo or concelho, which controlled their grazing grounds.
The later medieval fueros and ordinances of Castilian and Alentejan towns regulate almost every aspect of cattle ranching: grazing rights; compensations for crop damage; wages of cowboys; branding; penalties for rustling, brand-changing, or killing another man’s stock; marketing and sale of cattle in the town’s markets, butcher shops and ferias; slaughtering practices; and many other related subjects.
HYPERLINK http://libro.uca.edu/frontier/bishko6.htm \l N 20 #N 20 Some towns, although clearly not all, possessed a stockmen’s gild or, which operated as a kind of municipal bureau of pastoral affairs, and must be carefully distinguished from the national Mesta Real of the transhumant sheepmen.
Jurisdiction of the local mesta was confined to the town’s términos; all vecinos grazing cattle sheep, horses, goats, pigs, and other animals on the municipal ranges were required to join, while strenuous efforts were made to impose membership upon non- vecinos holding pasturelands adjacent to those of the town.
While subordinate to the supreme authority of the concejo, such local mestas , which held meetings two or three times a year under their elected alcaldes de la mesta, were powerful bodies, administering all the livestock provisions of the local law code.
In the cattle country, these mestas at times subdivided along the lines of ganado mayor and menor; this meant that the local cowmen had their own organization, a kind of sub- mesta , under their own duly elected alcalde or alcaldes de la mesta , who fined or otherwise punished violators of cattle laws and settled disputes among the ranchers.
A major function of municipal mestas was to regulate and protect the use of brands and earmarks, and to facilitate recovery of lost cattle.
Cattlemen were commonly required to work their herds in the spring and fall for all stray stock (mesteños, mostrencos ) and turn these over to the mesta officials.
The latter, after recording the brands and other distinguishing features of the strays, and having the pregón or crier proclaim these details at intervals in the plaza mayor, held the animals for a fixed period of months in a corral pending identification by the owners. In other towns of the cattle country, however, no trace of a municipal mesta can be found in the fueros or ordenanzas; here the concejo or concelho itself administered pastoral affairs, and its own alcaldes and their escribano performed the functions elsewhere assigned to the mesta officials.
This appears to have been the precedent generally followed in the Americas, where, from the sixteenth century on, cabildos like those of Lima, Caracas, Habana, and many others exercised direct control over the ranch cattle industry, as their actas capitulares testify.
In Mexico City, however, an important exception occurs; here, in 1537, under order of Charles V and Viceroy Mendoza, the cabildo organized a mesta for handling-livestock problems, which deserves further study.
Recent writers have regarded its establishment as marking the introduction into New Spain of the Real Concejo de la Mesta, but its creation by, and subjection to, the cabildo, its municipal membership, and the general character of its organization and aims, indicate that it was closer to a municipal mesta of Andalusian type adapted to New World conditions than a colonial counterpart of the national Mesta of the Castilian transhumant sheep industry. As for the cowboys themselves, only the briefest mention of questions requiring further examination can be made.
Their life, and that of the cowgirls as well, finds its most vivid memorial in the fourteenth century picaresque poem of Juan Ruiz, archpriest of Hita; students have yet to recognize how thoroughly this masterpiece of medieval Castilian literature reflects the life of the range cattle country between Segovia and Toledo.
In the municipal sources, these medieval ancestors of the vaqueros , vaqueiros, gauchos, huasos and llaneros of the Indies always appear as freemen, who hire themselves out for a year’s time, usually from one día de San Juan to the next, and receive an annual wage (soldada) paid in cash, a percentage of calves, or a combination of these.
Whether, as seems inherently likely, unfree cowboys could also be found, performing compulsory herding services for seigneurial dueños de ganado like some indios de encomienda in the New World, is unknown.
Vaqueros were held liable to deduction of pay for stock lost; in cases of rustling, sworn statements supported by other men of trust were required; and when an animal died, it was necessary to produce the hide and affirm under oath that the death was due to natural causes or the attacks of wolves or bears.
When express permission was granted, the peninsular cowboy might graze a few cows, marked with his own brand, alongside those of his employer.
The herds were not left to roam at will, but kept under standing guard to avoid both stock losses and the heavy penalties imposed for trespass against the cinco cosas vedadas: orchards, grain fields, vineyards, ox pastures and mown meadows.
As with sheep, dogs were used to assist the vaqueros in guarding and on round-ups.
Herds of any size were tended by a foreman (mayoral, rabadán, mayordomo ) and from three to four vaqueros on up.
Large outfits often had both a mayoral and rabadán, and perhaps a dozen or more hands.
In Andalusia such crews normally included a conocedor, who memorized each cow’s appearance as an aid in detecting strays or identifying the owner’s own lost stock.
HYPERLINK http://libro.uca.edu/frontier/bishko6.htm \l N 25 #N 25 Such a post could, of course, exist only where, as seen, cattle varied infinitely in color, and where also Spanish and Portuguese provided that remarkably rich, syncopated terminology of color and marking terms for cows and horses such as no other European language possesses.
The conocedor clearly filled an important need in the period prior to official registration of brands, but the advent of the municipal libro de marcas y señales in the late fifteenth century soon ended his usefulness; although he can be found still flourishing in the 1527 Ordenanças of Seville, he does not appear to have crossed the ocean. The dress and equipment of Latin-American cowmen owe much to peninsular models.
Students of costume could doubtless trace back to the twelfth century regional dress of the charros and serranos of Salamanca and southern Old Castile, the cradle of the ranch cattle industry, the cowboy costume that appears with many local variations in the Indies: the low-crowned, broad-brimmed hat, the bolero jacket, the sash and tight-fitting trousers, the spurred boots.
Since, for herding on the open range, mounted vaqueros were indispensable, the rise of Iberian cattle ranching could hardly have occurred if the Peninsula had not been in the middle Ages the one European region where saddle horses were at once relatively abundant and cheap enough to escape being an aristocratic monopoly.
Numerous references to horses and horse-breeding in the cattle documents indicate that the horse herd, the later remuda or caballada, was a normal feature of peninsular cowboy life…. For working stock the Castilian and Alentejan vaquero carried the long pike-like garrocha, which still survives in peninsular ranching and bullfighting use, and can be found also among Venezuelan llaneros , Brazilian sertanejos and other American cowboys.
Carrying of arms was strictly regulated by the concejos in an effort to check brawls, vaqueros being ordinarily forbidden to possess any other weapons than the garrocha and the puñal pastoril, perhaps a distant forerunner of the Bowie knife. “…peninsular cowboys also handled reses vacunos with the garrocha, with the aid of trained, belled steers (cabestros) and by their dexterity in throwing animals to the ground with a twist of the tail or horns, all of which alternatives to roping are still used in Ibero-America.
Five foot seven inch Bill Pickett, Dusky Demon” born on December 5, 1870 in Williamson County, Texas, to former slaves, Thomas Jefferson and Mary Elizabeth Pickett is frequently credited in American western history for inventing this rodeo technique coined Bulldogging.
Indeed he had the makings of a traditional cowboy touting his tough and powerful 145 pound body, but the technique preceded him by hundreds of years.
He did give the technique the English name “bulldogging” from observing the paralyzing effect of a bulldog’s bite. For grazing purposes, cattle were ranged either as estantes in local pastures that often varied seasonally from lowland to nearby sierra; or as transhumantes that might be driven as much as 400 miles over the official trails or cañadas linking the summer pastures (agostaderos ) of León and Castile with the winter invernaderos of the south.
The proportion of migrant to nonimmigrant herds is difficult to determine; cows were less transhumant than sheep, but even so large numbers were trailed each year á los extremos, over the same routes as the Mesta flocks.
Royal charters granting towns and military orders along the cañadas the right to collect montazgo from the transhumants reckon this toll for units as high as 1000 and even 2000 cows.
At certain seasons the collective trail herds of the towns, and others belonging to nobles, monasteries and military orders, must have marched along the cañadas in a great series, accompanied by their heavily armed cavalry escorts (the rafalas), and by dueños and vaqueros who doubtless entertained their charges by day with the profaner aspects of diverse Leonese and Castilian dialects, soothed them at night with renditions of secular and ecclesiastical songs — cf.
The vaquero songs in the Arcipreste — and defended them from the perils of drought, storm, stampede and attack by Moorish or other foe.
Yet, in many parts of the meseta, reses estantes predominated. The traditional Latin-American cycle of ranching life, with the rounding-up and branding of calves in the spring herredero and the cutting-out of beef for slaughter in the autumn, comes straight from peninsular practice.
Municipal laws forced ranchers to work their herds at least once, and commonly twice, a year in order to brand calves, remove strays and cut out stock for market; although this involved, strictly speaking, only each criadero’s rounding up his own cows, it is difficult to believe that some form of coöperative rodeo had not emerged before 1500. Branding is unquestionably a very ancient peninsular livestock practice, dating from at least the Roman period.
The oldest medieval brand yet discovered is a heart-shaped one depicted on the flanks of a bull and a horse in two tenth-century manuscripts of the Leonese abbey of San Miguel de Escalada.
No study has yet been attempted of peninsular cattle brands ( hierros , marcas) or of the supplementary system of earcrops ( señales ), although it is obvious that they are the immediate prototypes of the intricate symbols and monograms common to Latin-American and Anglo-American ranching.
Branding was originally optional in the Peninsula, being used by the stockmen for their own protection, but from at least the thirteenth century the fueros require it of all municipal ranchers.
The brand book, destined to become universal in the Americas, is a comparatively late device; down to the fifteenth century the concejos kept simply a temporary record of the brands of strays turned into the town corral.
Only in the latter part of that century do we find evidence that at least in Andalusia some towns were compelling the cattlemen of their tierra to register brands and earmarks with the town or mesta escribano, by whom they were inscribed in a genuine brand register, the libro de marcas y señales or libro de la mesta .
The relative novelty of the libro de marcas may help explain why in New Spain, New Castile and elsewhere cabildos and royal officials encountered so much difficulty in getting ganaderos to register brands or even to brand at all.
Whether any peninsular brand book of the Middle Ages still exists in some unsearched archive is unknown, but probable enough; at present the oldest known such register for the entire Luso-Hispanic and Ibero-American world seems to be the remarkable Relación de los hierros de bacas y abejas y bestias, which the cabildo of Mexico City opened in 1530, seven years before it established the New Spanish mesta.
HYPERLINK http://libro.uca.edu/frontier/bishko6.htm \l N 32 #N 32 A final question of prime importance for colonial agrarian institutions is that of the peninsular or American origin of the cattle ranch, variously styled in the Indies sitio de ganado mayor, hacienda de ganado, fazenda, finca, hato, sitio de estancia, estancia and the like.
From the fact that throughout the Middle Ages royal pasturage rights in realengo land were conceded by the Castilian and Portuguese crowns to towns, nobles and ecclesiastical corporations, and by them granted or rented to their vecinos , vassals or others, it has been contended that ranching based upon private ownership of large estates was a New World invention.
The subject is too involved for more than brief mention here, but it should be noted that this view rests solely upon documents dealing with transhumancy and municipal ranching, fields in which rights would naturally loom larger than land titles.
Yet evidence that seigneurial ranchers frequently possessed extensive domains that were in effect true estancias is readily discoverable.
The pergaminos of Madrid mention privately owned grazing grounds in New Castile, while those of Cáceres reveal that in late medieval Extremadura private pasturelands were threatening to absorb, by purchase or usurpation, the communal ranges of towns and villages.
The military orders held great dehesas in Extremadura, New Castile and Andalusia, some of which they grazed directly, while others were allotted to their stock-raising vassals.
HYPERLINK http://libro.uca.edu/frontier/bishko6.htm \l N 35 #N 35 The Seville Ordenanças cite campiñas, cortijos, casas fuertes, donadíos and other large heredades, located in the marismas and islas of the Guadalquivir, from which the municipal herds were barred and which were evidently being operated as seigneurial ranches.
Even among municipal ranchers there were those who in addition to grazing cattle on town lands had their own dehesas, dehesas dehesadas, prados, sotos and pastos, some of which were certainly larger than mere cowpastures.
It is noteworthy that ca. 1500, probably in response to seigneurial influence, some Castilian and Andalusian towns, instead of allowing, as previously, unrestricted movement of herds within their términos , were sitting (asentar) reses estantes on assigned portions of their tierra; this trend toward municipal allocation of grazing sites may have given rise in the Indies to the term estancia (commonly classified as an Americanism) and to the grants of sitio de ganado, sitio de estancia, etc., for which a municipal origin may be conjectured.” The word transhumant refers to the seasonal and alternating movement of livestock together with the people who tend the herds, between two regions as lowlands and highlands. ”Even in our present state of knowledge regarding the development of latifiundismo in late medieval Spain and Portugal, it seems possible to reach two principal conclusions about the estancia.
The first is that by the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the ranch (ie, the seigneurial estate devoted to large-scale stock raising) and the landed ganadero were both well established in the peninsular cattle kingdom, probably to a much greater extent than in the more heavily transhumant sheep industry upon which alone previous judgments have been based.
The second conclusion is that not only was peninsular ranching thus characterized ca. 1500 by a dual system of pasturage rights and large landed estates, but that the system was in a state of flux, with the domanial element in the ascendant.
It is this dualism, in process of transition from rights to tenures that finds reflection in sixteenth-century colonial documents.
In New Spain, New Castile, and the Brazilian capitanías, as in Iberia, grazing rights in royal and municipal land coexisted with sitios de ganado, tierras de señorío and fazendas.
The seigneurial estancia triumphed early under New-World conditions of conquest and settlement, but, like so many other elements in the Ibero-American cattle tradition, it was almost certainly an importation from the Peninsula.
That the ranch cattle industry of Castile and Alentejo expanded between 1200 and 1500 in both territorial extent and volume of production, in response to increasing demand for beef and hides, is a safe inference, but nearly all aspects of this process have been neglected by historians.
Marketing centered about the towns, especially the great cattle fairs (ferias de ganado , feiras de gado) that were held annually by old cow towns like Segovia, Avila, Plasencia, Béjar, Cáceres, Córdoba, Seville, Evora, Beja and others.
At these, local slaughterers competed with professional itinerant cattle buyers, who traveled from one town to another and drove their purchases north to markets or feeding grounds outside the cattle country.
Galicia, already in the Middle Ages what she remains to this day — Spain’s chief milch cow center — was also, it would seem, an important beef feeder region for meseta cattle, like present-day western Buenos Aires and eastern La Pampa provinces, southern Brazil or the northern Great Plains of the United States.
Hamilton’s statistics suggest that prices on beef, hides, tallow, and other cattle products rose markedly in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, in line with the price structure as a whole.
To a degree unusual in the cereal-consuming Middle Ages, meat, whether fresh, salted, or dried (carne seca), was a staple foodstuff for Spaniards and inland Portuguese, a fact which explains another curious Iberian and Ibero-American phenomenon, the Bula de la Cruzada, with its virtual repeal of the dietary meat restrictions of medieval Catholic Europe.
As for hides, their mounting output can be linked to the significant late medieval shift of the peninsular tanning and leather trades from goat and sheep skins, which the Moors had preferred for their Córdoban and Moroccan leathers, to the tougher, if less workable, cowhide.
From the limited data thus far assembled on this subject, it looks as if cowhides were not only in heavy demand at home but were also the basis of an important export trade to Italy, France, the Low Countries, and perhaps other areas.
HYPERLINK http://libro.uca.edu/frontier/bishko6.htm \l N 43 #N 43 Furthermore, this does not imply a surplus, for in late medieval Andalusia hides were being imported from North Africa, England, Ireland and, within the Peninsula itself, from dairy-farming Galicia and other districts.
HYPERLINK http://libro.uca.edu/frontier/bishko6.htm \l N 44 #N 44 Presumably this means that peninsular hide production ca. 1500 was insufficient to satisfy home and export demands; if so, this enables us to grasp the immediate economic circumstances under which colonial Latin-American cattle raising and early large-scale export of cowhides from the colonies first developed.
The demands of the home market, mercantilist preference for colonial rather than foreign sources of raw material, the colonists’ own need for a commodity yielding quick overseas revenues, and the natural disinclination of the Crown and the Real Concejo de la Mesta to foster a competitive wool industry in the Indies, must all have combined to swing the New World decision to the cow instead of the sheep.
To be sure, sheep raising was by no means neglected; in New Spain, for example, Viceroy Mendoza encouraged it strongly, and in Peru, as Cieza de León’s frequent references indicate, large numbers of imported Iberian sheep along with the native llamas dominated the livestock picture.
Yet this colonial wool seems to have been almost wholly intended for local use and not for export to the Peninsula, where the Mesta successfully protected its markets against colonial competition.
What effect the rise of a far more productive American cattle industry had upon the eventual decline of peninsular cattle ranching, and to what extent this decline contributed to insuring the complete triumph of the Spanish sheepmen in the Hapsburg period, are interesting questions to which no answer is now possible. Such, in broad and tentative outline, is the peninsular background of Latin-American cattle ranching.
To students of colonial and modern Latin America it should not seem altogether unfamiliar.
Changes there certainly were in the organization of the industry when it crossed the ocean; but the coexistence of seigneurial and municipal ranching; their common conflict with the agriculturist, whether encomendero or Indian; the regulatory activities of government, both royal and municipal, in connection with pasturage, branding, marketing and the like; the commerce in hides; the traditional cycle of the cowman’s year; above all, the ganaderos and vaqueros themselves, galloping along in the dust of their wild or half-wild herds — these are the stuff of colonial and post-colonial ranching no less than of that of the Peninsula.
In the New World a vaster cattle kingdom was founded, but, as every reader of Os Sertoes and Doña Bárbara discovers, it continued to preserve tenaciously its traditional institutions, many of which still flourish.
It was with a cattle country in mind, and in words that apply to many other stock raising regions of the Western Hemisphere, that Sarmiento declared in Facundo (chap.
Ii): En la República Argentina se ven a un tiempo dos civilizaciones distintas en un mismo suelo. . . .
El siglo xix y el siglo xii viven juntos; el uno dentro de las ciudades, el otro en las campañas. No more perfectly expressed estimate could be made of the enduring influence of medieval Iberian cattle ranching upon the history of the Americas.” In the Americas it all began with the Vaquero, the Spanish and Portuguese cowboy, and in the United States of America the Spanish Cowboy first introduced the cowboy culture in the heart of New Mexico along the Rio Grande River.
The Spanish produced the llanero of Venezuela, the gaucho of Argentina and the vaquero in New Spain which became Mexico and the U.S.
From the Spanish and Mexican vaquero evolved the North American cowboy.
No geographic area had a more significant nor continuous influence on the evolution of the American cowboy than New Mexico.
Prior to the U.S.
War with Mexico in 1846-48 the states were unfamiliar with the ranching and cowboy culture, so it is ironic that despite the U.S.
Victory over New Mexico, it was New Mexico cowboy culture copied by the U.S.
Which was to have a vastly more profound impact on the culture of it’s conqueror than the reverse.
Even in the 1800′s, John Chisholm, the largest Anglo cattle rancher in the USA was based in Lincoln County, New Mexico.
It is estimated that Don Juan de Oñate, one of the four richest men in New Spain, (later Mexico), spent in excess of a million dollars from his silver mines to fund a colonial expedition to New Mexico.
On January 26, 1598, Don Juan de Oñate left Zacatecas, Mexico to establish the first significant infusion of colonists, a settlement in the New Mexico Kingdom; the first original colony celebrated the first Thanksgiving Day, April 30, 1598, after they crossed the Rio Grande into what is present time U.S.A.
This point of the Rio Grande at the new Kingdom of New Mexico was a few miles from the place called El Paso Del Norte, before Jamestown was founded in 1607 in Virginia, and before the Pilgrims arrived at Plymouth MA in 1620.
There was no Texas in existence yet; however, El Paso Del Norte would eventually come to be known as the present day El Paso, Texas.
The Oñate muster formed a four mile long procession with over 80 wagons and ox carts, with between seven and thirteen thousand head of European livestock, and counted 560 persons, 94 individuals identified as indios, mestizos, mulattos, negros, or simply as servants, New Mexico’s First Colonists, by David H.
Only 130 men brought wives and children.
Of the 200 soldiers, 171 declared that they brought complete armor for himself and horse.
Oñate alone brought 14 saddles about evenly divided between estradiota and la jineta styles.
The first cowboys in New Mexico evolved from the remaining handful of most rugged Oñate families who arrived between 1598 and 1600, (eg, Juan Vitoria de Carbajal & Perdro Sanchez y Monroy), and those who escaped the 1680 Pueblo revolt and returned with the De Vargas re-conquest in 1693, (eg, Don Fernando Duran y Chavez II & Lucia Hurtado).
Most of those not qualifying for Darwin’s fittest category were already gone by the year 1601; November 24th of that year following the mass desertion of the camp by some 400, more or less, of the expeditions’ original members and their families and servants. The word cowboy is actually a Spanish word, a transliteration of the original Spanish word for the first of his kind, the vaquero. The word vaquero evolved from the root word vaca meaning cow.
Ergo the word vaquero, (cowman), translated into the English – cowboy.
The English term for someone who managed cattle prior to the adoption of the Spanish Vaquero method and name for cowboying was Drover. Both the English and French managed cattle on foot with a dog within a fenced enclosure.
As pasture was exhausted in one area, the cattle were then led to a new field to graze.
The colonists arriving on the U.S.
East coast were unfamiliar with Hispanic ranching.
Stock raising was a small adjunct or side business to the mainstay agricultural industry and other areas such as shipping, city retail businesses, fur trading and fishing.
Ranching was not practiced in their particular European homelands, so they were not acquainted with the ranching business, nor would they have had any idea where or how to begin even if they were aware of the industry.
The northern colonies focused on industrial pursuits using immigrant labor and the southern colonies concentrated on agriculture using slave labor.
It was the open spaces of the Nueva España, (New Mexico), in America where the original American cowboy, the Spanish vaquero evolved along with the original western saddle, cowboy methods, (eg roping), and vocabulary, beginning along the Rio Grande river basin.
Ironically, it was the application of the old English fencing system and American barbed wire which led to the decline of the great American Cowboy Empire. Texas historian Walter Prescott Webb places the birth of Texas cowboy life and ranching in a diamond-shaped area of Texas with San Antonio on the north, Laredo on the west, Indianola on the east, and Brownsville on the south.
The Nueces River, once the border between Mexico and Texas, runs through this region.
This area, the brasada, or brush country, is the home country of Webb’s friend J.
Frank Dobie, the folklorist who wrote extensively on the cattle industry, the cowboy, the vaquero, and the brush country.
Dobie loved this region’s unique Spanish-influenced culture and inhabitants.
And both Webb and Dobie agreed that the most important influence on this country lay in its Spanish roots. To the influence of the vaquero on this ranching culture, Dobie, in his Longhorns, adds a second figure, the herd-owning caballero, a Spanish gentlemen-owner (p.viii).
Some of these men established large ranches and hired cowboys to do the work, just as the Spanish priests and conquistadors had done in Mexico and Mexican Texas. Early cattle raisers put their herds on the open range – public land open to anyone who used it for cattle grazing – and the cattle roamed and survived as best they could with a minimum of care, even in the winter months.
The men held periodic roundups to brand and gather cattle for slaughter or market.
From this cattle-rich area much of the stock for the trail herds later came. Two other scholars offer support for Webb’s and Dobie’s basic theory of the area of origin.
Folklorist Joe Graham, whose chief interest is in South Texas ranching, sees the main influence on Texas ranching farther to the west and south, thus acknowledging only part of the diamond-shaped area Webb describes.
In his El Rancho in South Texas, Graham cites as support for his vaquero theory, among other notions, the more than two dozen terms taken from Spanish to describe items and techniques essential to cowboy life.
Some of this borrowing was reluctant because of the deep prejudice of Texans against the Mexicans, especially after the war for independence in the 1830s and the later conflict in the 1840s between the United States and Mexico.
Another scholar, photographer and filmmaker Bill Witliff, has photographs to supplement his argument that the vaquero is the progenitor of the cowboy.
He says in Vaquero: Genesis of the Cowboy, When Texas got interested in the cow business, the Texas cowboy adopted most of the vaquero’s accoutrements and methodology of working cattle in big country, adapting here and there to fit his particular needs (n.p.).
A traveling exhibit from the Institute of Texan Cultures carries these photographs to a large audience. The second school of thought is a revisionist view denying the predominance of the vaquero influence and is espoused largely by Terry Joran in his Trails to Texas and to a lesser degree in North American Cattle-Raising Frontiers.
Jordan, a cultural geographer, holds that the impetus for an early cattle-raising culture in Texas came especially from the South as elements of mostly British culture were transferred to Texas by newly arrived immigrants from Georgia, Florida, and the Carolinas by way of Louisiana, where many of the people had settled temporarily before being allowed by Mexican authorities to move into Texas around the mid-1800s.
While it is true that these people had a long history of cattle raising using slash and burn techniques in woodlands with some open areas of grazing in the South, it is also true that they did not have experience raising cattle on the vast, open, treeless plains found in Texas.
To these open areas the southerners often applied the word prairie, not the Spanish term llano or the word plain as found in the descriptive name Great Plains applied to the flat, rich, one-time grassland, now given largely to farming, that stretches from the Texas Panhandle into Canada.
These newcomers from the South made extensive use of dogs in working their cattle.
The English term cow pens was used instead of ranch from Spanish rancho.
These southerners used whips to drive their cattle and did not rely upon the lazo used by the vaqueros and, later, by the cowboys.
There was little need for the southerners to rope their cattle if the men had pens in which to catch the animals in order to work them.
These southerners also used salt licks, which cattle regularly visit, as a means of managing stock.
These ranchers had what Jordan describes, in North American Cattle Raising Frontiers (p.367), as a greater attention to the welfare and quality of livestock than was common in the open-range culture farther west.
Their cattle were better bred than the Longhorn cattle that formed the basis for open-range ranching in Mexico and Texas.
The slender conformation of Longhorn cattle was not a negative factor in the beginning years of Texas ranching, because the main market for cattle was in hides and tallow, not beef.
The Anglos, according to Jordan, established themselves and the basis for ranching culture in an area in South Louisiana, some four hundred miles east of Webb’s diamond in South Texas, and later moved their way of stock raising to Texas.
He discusses at some length their tradition of trailing herds of cattle to market. There is, however, doubt as to the validity of some of Jordan’s conclusions, and some cases he is just wrong.
Historian Richard Slatta in his Comparing Cowboys and Frontiers criticizes Jordan’s errors as stemming from the historical over-revisionism of the 1980s and 1990s that sought to rewrite the history of the West along deconstructionist lines.
Among the revisionists – or New West Historians as they call themselves – are Patricia Limerick (The Legacy of Conquest: The Unbroken Past of the American West ), Richard White ( It’s Your Misfortune and None of My Own : A New History of the American West ) and an exhibit entitled The West as America: Reinterpreting Images of the Frontier, housed at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of American Art (1991).
Slatta correctly links this drive for revisionism to the Deconstruction movement that has dominated the arts, especially literature, during the same period, but he admits that some correcting of the traditional image is overdue.
The New West historians have sought to revise the notions that Anglos were the prime movers in the Westward movement and have emphasized the roles of other ethnic groups and women.
However, a general feeling that revisionism has resulted in overcorrection is apparent. Slatta notes that Joran ignores both linguistic and material culture evidence to draw some feeble conclusions.
Among the errors of Jordan’s early thesis is the claim that buckaroo and corral derived from the African term buckra and kraal and came west with the slaves accompanying new Anglo settlers from the South.
Another is that the Africans shaped the ranching culture and strongly influenced the development of the cowboy.
The most specious of Jordan’s claims is that the role Texas culture played in the development of ranching techniques and institutions has been greatly exaggerated (pp. 188-189).
In these matters, Webb and Dobie were closer to being on target than is Jordan.
Frank Graham, a South Texas cowboy of long years, characterizes the difference between cowboys and vaqueros by saying that the vaquero is the master teacher.
He was here before Anglos came, and he gave his terminology to us. He also taught the British descendants of the South how to work cattle in the wild, open country.
And the vaquero knew the brush; the English did not. Ramirez supports this idea when she notes that in Texas the vaqueros remained behind when Anglos came to dominate ranching there and those vaqueros taught the newcomers the skill of working cattle in open country and heavy brush. (p.252). — LA MATANZA An Hispanic Tradition La Matanza, (“the killing,” of any butcher animal, but, traditionally of a hog), in this part of the country, (New Mexico) has been a traditional, annual event since the coming of such early Spanish and Portuguese explorers as Juan de Onate and Coronado over four hundred years ago. Its purpose was originally a harvest of meat in the fall or winter after the pigs or hogs had sufficient time to grow to between three and six hundred pounds.
Over time, it, (La Matanza), became an integral part of the Hispanic culture in every village; a social ritual that transcended its original purpose of feeding us to the equally important job of preserving and maintaining the lifelong bonds of immediate and extended family.
Moreover, because it was such a big job and frequently yielded in excess of one to two hundred pounds of Manteca, (lard), Matanzas became the social adhesive which helped to unite and bond together whole communities. The Pre-Columbian history and significance of “La Matanza” goes back even further, tracing the tradition to the Iberian Peninsula in Spain, thousands of years since humans first began domesticating animals for food.
The Celts arrived in what is now Spain, in 1300 B.C.
The early name of Spain, “Iberia , is Celtic and is derived from their word aber , or open as it translates in Spanish, meaning harbor or river .
The name is also very common in the Peninsula as a Castilian name.
Celts prized their livestock, and pigs were important enough livestock for the Celts to carve granite statues in the image of pigs to be used as tombstones and territorial markers During the time when Spain was under Moorish rule, between 711A.D.
And 1492, the word for pig more with greater frequency came to be known as “Marrano,” the etymology of which evolved from an Arabic root meaning “prohibited thing,” or “outsider.” Pork is commonly known to be outside or prohibited from the diet of Arab, (Moor’s), culture and religion.
Being that Spaniards prized pork it was a natural for taking on symbolic significance as an icon of Christian Spanish political and religious resistance against their oppressors.
Enter La Matanza and the pig became the perfect line of delineation separating the Christian Spaniards from their conquerors. So La Matanza took on new meaning becoming not just a tradition and occasion of family feast, but, moreover, a tradition for Catholic Spain persevering almost eight centuries, finally defeating the Moors in January 1492 and then, with religious momentum later, issuing an edict to expel the Jews. Like many other cultural traditions knowing how and where you fit into the chronology of history plays a major role in how we develop our self-concept and sense of self worth.
So it is in the Hispanic community in New Mexico and Valencia County in particular.
Over the years and decades, Matanzas helped us children conceptualize who we were.
As we acquired greater responsibility, from year to year so did we become increasingly comfortable and proud of whom we ultimately saw every morning in the bathroom mirror.
Unlike times in our country during beginning and middle part of the last century when there really were people who did not have enough to eat, today when half of all children in the country will be separated from one of their parents by the age of eighteen, when youth gangs, rather than elder patrons rule the streets we can reflect in retrospect, and see now that more than a family feeding event, matanzas were part of a greater cultural process of self conceptualization, of becoming a healthy well adjusted adult. Each Matanza was an event sometimes two years in the making, as two years is about the period needed for hogs to reach optimal weight.
Family members were trained and delegated responsibilities based on their age and station in the family unit, beginning with daily feeding all the way up to the expert bleeding and butcher skills needed the day of the killing, (matanza).
Generally, the older men consisted of the killing crew and butchering large cuts of meat.
The women prepared the many other aspects of cooking like they did day in and day out, cutting carnitas, chicharones, chopping potatoes and onions, cooking beans, chile, Posole, tortillas, etc. Final preparations were made in November or December the day before La Matanza when water was hauled in buckets from a hand drilled well or nearby acequia, (irrigation ditch), to fill fifty gallon drums.
The drums were placed over a pit where a large enough fire could be ignited to bring the barrels of water to a boil.
When I was a child, people arrived at Matanzas in waves.
Depending on your specific role or responsibility determined when you arrived.
When I was an adolescent I was old enough to take responsibility for keeping the water barrels full and boiling and ensuring a flow of hot water buckets to the men scraping off the hair.
There is something about feeding a fire that seems to fascinate most youngsters and for me it was a legitimate and well-supervised reason for us youngsters to play with the object of our fascination.
I was not however, seasoned enough to do the bleeding or butchering.
I would have to get my practice beginning with cutting strips of lonja.
Nonetheless, I was quite content with my place in what I knew to be the natural order of things; our own food chain.
I knew who I was in the greater scheme of my community and that grounded and centered me. As a society, we are just recently beginning to understand how knowing who we were in the social big picture was more important than the original purpose of feeding ourselves. A little before daybreak the fire was started and whiles the water was heated to a boil, the hog was brought to the butcher site only a few feet away from the fire.
Our family used a slatted wood table not too far from the fire, the table elevated above a hole in the ground or pit excavated such that unwanted parts and blood could easily drain and collect without getting under foot.
The second wave or the killing crew arrived at dawn and killed the hog.
In earlier days the patriarch or grandfather would strike the hog with a heavy hammer or heel of an axe between the eyes.
Then, while the hog was unconscious, and knowing just where to cut, grandpa either severed a jugular artery or the heart always careful to catch the draining blood in a pan the make blood pudding or morcilla.
I remember always being afraid for the hog as only us humans can dread death.
It was a sad yet righteous moment when I believe we all silently paid homage to the hog for her sacrifice.
It was a time of death that for us children put life in a perspective that just doesn’t come from buying sliced ham at the supermarket or a burger at McDonalds.
This is one aspect I think I wish to change in future Matanzas.
That is to make that private little homage prayer an out loud prayer so that there is no question about the meaning of the hog’s sacrifice, and the meaning of the whole Matanza ritual in our long Hispanic roots. Mesteneros – Mustangs Sheep and cattle ranching were not the only areas of vaquero endeavor.
A less known aspect of cowboying was mustanging.
Mesteneros or mustangers were the first people to make a living by catching wild horses (mestenos, or mustangs), on the American Great Plains reaching from New Mexico to the Dakotas.
Many different styles and techniques were developed by various families.
These men with their whole families were self-sufficient making their own lariats of rawhide, girths, bridle reins and hackamores from horse’s tails and manes.
According to Ruben Salas, The West – A Hispanic Creation, the most famous mesteneros were the Celedon brothers and Pedro Trujillo from New Mexico. The Trujillos,’ technique was to locate a herd coming to water without themselves being seen.
After the mustangs drank their fill, bareback riders with ropes tied to the necks of their horses would try to run the herd toward other riders, thus closing in from both sides…
The women worked at making milch burros adopt the colts or they fed them cow milk. Los Pastores Sheep vaqueros under the Spanish system divided the rank and labor of sheepmen as follows.
The pastor (shepherd), was assigned a flock of sheep.
Above a few pastores was assigned the vaquero, a mounted sheepman.
The vaqueros reported to the caporal, the inspector was responsible to the patron or owner.
The system of sheep management was later adopted by the Anglo-Americans and continues in use into modern day large sheep ranches. Los Ciboleros On America’s grassy plains ranging from New Mexico to the Dakotas, long before the muzzle loading long gun and rifle, and before the legend of the Afro-American Buffalo Riders began, the Ciboleros had developed a cowboy life-style revolving around the American Bison, also known as Buffalo.
The Spanish word for Bison is bisonte or cibola. Hence, the cowboys who worked Bison were called Ciboleros.
Ciboleros hunted Bison in parties of from a dozen to two dozen men who rode Spanish ponies trained to run in tandem next to the fleeing Bison while the Cibolero killed the Bison with his lance.
Once the Bison was mortally wounded the Cibolero would race to the next Bison and kill another one.
This process was repeated until his horse was exhausted.
Los Ciboleros were mostly interested in gathering a sufficient supply of meat to carry their families through the winter.
The hide and other parts were also used for other purposes.
As the hides became more valuable in the states, and guns became plentiful, the Bison’s numbers were quickly reduced from millions to almost extinction.
After two hundred fifty years the Ciboleros disappeared along with the Bison. COWBOYS – VAQUEROS Origins Of The first American Cowboys Chapter 5 By Donald Chávez Y Gilbert — THE POST COLUMBIAN IBERIAN HORSE Spanish Andalusians & Portuguese Lusitanos The pride of modern Iberia, these animals stand between 15.2 and 16.2 hands, with proud refined features.
The convex head compliments shoulders which are high upright with a muscular medium length neck, and strong back supported by long flexible thick boned legs.
Their mane and tail are extraordinarily full and striking. Puro Sangre Lusitano is currently bred by the Portuguese royal stud farms for exhibiting classical show (grandeur and baroque esthetics), but was originally used for war, ranching, and working livestock.
It is in keeping with the tradition of the mounted bullfight where intelligence, confidence, and focus are important in the bull ring.
Colors include buckskin, brown, palomino, black, chestnut, and bay. Puro Raza Espanola with similar original purposes found a niche as a fine carriage horse breeding a higher foreleg step than the Lusitano.
Their colors are predominantly gray with occasional bays and blacks. SHEEP HISTORY By Donald Chávez Y Gilbert Sheep first arrived (along with other livestock and the ranching industry) in the United States with the Spanish 1598 Oñate colony.
Since the early 1800’s the U.S.
Sheep population has come full circle from about seven million head, sheep numbers peaked at 56 million in 1945, then declined to less than seven million head on January 1, 2003.
At the same time, industry emphasis has changed from wool to meat.
Sheep numbers increased slightly in 2005 and 2006, the first time since 1990.
With the replacement of wool and other natural fibers by synthetic fibers by the end of the century the total numbers of sheep dipped below nine million.
Amos Dee Jones developed Debouillet Merino in New Mexico in the 1920s by crossing Delaine Merino sheep with Rambouilette.
Rambouilette sheep are a French version of the Spanish Merino.
French King Louis XVI imported over three hundred Spanish Merinos for his estate at Rambouilette, France in 1786 crossing them with his native French sheep. According to the USDA New Mexico Agricultural Extension Service report census numbers for cattle at 1.5 million beef and 200,000 dairy cows and 300,000 sheep for the year 1996.
The Spanish Merino was a foundation breed for many of the one thousand breeds of sheep worldwide and the fifty odd breeds in the USA.
New Mexico’s first principal export was sheep.
While Texans and Californians favored beef cattle and horses, New Mexicans originally concentrated on sheep ever since Don Juan de Onate and the first Spanish colonizers brought 5,400 head of sheep and 1,200 head of cattle to New Mexico in 1598.
For one thing, sheep were far better suited than cattle to the mountainous terrain, and even though Indian raiders occasionally stole sheep – or slaughtered a flock to gall the Spaniards – the animals could not be stolen in large numbers because it was difficult to round them up and drive them away…
The hardy Churro sheep fed, clothed, and supported the first settlers when there was nothing between them and starvation.
Winifred Kupper, in his book, The Golden Hoof, writes that, Sheep were the real conquerors of the Southwest. In good years as many as 500,000 of the animals were herded to market in Chihuahua, capital of the state of Coahuila. There are a number of web sites, which detail varying versions on the origins of both Churro and Merino sheep as they were shipped from Spain to the Americas.
There are many authoritative references in the literature as well as “on line” for woolie breeds per se.
However, a considerable amount of uncertainty is still attached to the precise origin of Churro sheep.
The best reference I find is the one where Rodero extrapolates from Old Spanish archives and explains that, “the Churro Breed, probably belongs to the Lebrijano Churro type, today near extinction.
Boezio (1990) considered that the Criollo Sheep from Uruguay before 1794 descended from either the Churro Sheep or from the Pirenaica Breed, both belonging to the descendents of Ovis Aries studery, while the Merino was introduced soon after.
It is possible that these two branches were introduced to America at the same time, but each of them occupied different ecosystems; the Merinos were located on table lands and valleys with long displacements, and the Churros occupied the mountains in wet and cold areas.” “…Churra is a milk production breed of great hardiness, well suited to the continental climate of Castile and León, with long, severe winters, very short springs, and hot dry summers.
The original Spanish Churra was a tough sheep, adapting quickly to the harsh conditions of the American Southwest.” Because this sheep maintains features of hair sheep, such as adaptability, hardiness, and growing both hair and wool, it could almost be considered an evolutional link between those first wild hair sheep domesticated by ancient Iberians and the breed, which came to be known as the Spanish Churra (o) sheep.
This may help explain the etymology of the word “Chamorro” which according to the Velasquez Spanish-English Diccionario defines the word as meaning shorn, or bald. “Chamorra” refers to a woolen blanket and “chamorrear” is the infinitive form of the verb to shear or cut wool.
In Rodero’s discussion about the evolution of the first cattle and sheep-driving practices from isolated locations in the Iberian Peninsula to slaughterhouses and markets, he sites Chamorro sheep being valued for its meat as opposed to wool.
This would make sense at a time thousands of years ago when hair sheep first domesticated would have been more of a meat and milk source, then later selectively bred to improve its’ wool qualities.
The word Chamorro may have originally referred to the precursors of more modern churros whose natural condition was closer to that of its ancient hair sheep ancestors.
Today, Chamorro in the sense of “bald or shorn” would be a contradiction to the obvious observation of a modern woolie churro, which is quite the opposite of bald.
I refer here to a verbatim passage of Rodero’s, which makes the connection between the Chamorro and Churro.
Again, so as not to influence the translation I have not edited grammar or syntax, so that his semantics are left entirely up to the reader; “nevertheless, two facts changed the mentioned isolation.
On one hand the apparition of the organized and institutionalized movements of animals (transhumancia), not only with respect to the Merino Sheep coming from the north (Castilla and León) of the provinces of Córdoba and Jaén, but also for livestock taken out for these shephersess, bought in Andalusia.
The latter was called chamorro and they was famous for their meat but not their wool, very basting, they correspond to the Churro Sheep.” The traditional Churra Spanish sheep breed was the very first breed of sheep in the New World.
HYPERLINK http://www.landlamb.com/images/photos/chisto10.jpg Introduced to North America in the early 1500′s by Spanish conquerors to serve as food and fiber (clothes, blankets, etc.) for the exploring soldiers, and in 1598, by the Spanish explorer Juan de Onate, into the American West through New Mexico. The word for Churro originated as Churra, Spanish for scrub sheep, eventually being corrupted in the American West into Churro.
As Native Americans and settlers acquired sheep from the Spanish explorers, the breed’s popularity as a food and fiber source grew and the sheep became a major economic asset.
Also used as a meat source, the Navajo-Churro remains best known for its wool.
The fleece is composed of an inner coat of fine wool fibers providing good insulation and a protective outer coat of long coarse hair, which sheds the snow and rain. The Spanish vaquero introduced and taught the American Indians to shepherd sheep.
The Navajo Indians not only quickly became proficient at sheep herding, moreover they became dependent on these sheep for their very livelihood.
This influence helped transform the Navajo from a nomadic, warring culture to a ranching culture.
Prior to the arrival of the Spanish, the Pueblo Indians complained that the Navajo would raid the farming cultures of the Pueblo Indians.
The name Navaho originates from the Pueblo name, Abache Nabahu. Abache or Apache meaning enemy and Nabahu or Havajo meaning farm fields, or the raider of the field, Alvin M.
Joseph and William Brandon, The American Heritage Book of Indians, American Heritage Publishing Co, 1961. Sheep and cattle together helped to shape and evolve the livestock ranching history, but not without their own battles for turf in the lands of cowboy ranches as well as between the pages of history.
Both have dominated the ranching industry first in the Iberian Peninsula prior to Columbus’ arrival in America, taking turns having the upper hand, then again in the Americas, again taking turns dominating the grazing ranges.
New Mexico was first a sheep state rife with battles between cattlemen and sheep ranchers.
My father told me a number of stories often about his sheep ranching antecedents in one case his great grandfather having been ambushed and shot to death while tending his sheep.
In another instance, grandfather Juan Chavez y Trujillo, his maternal grandfather in Lemitar, New Mexico who had been a judge, being confronted in a bar by cattlemen still stewing over a former stiff sentence handed down to a cattleman.
Following the unavoidable fight against overwhelming numbers, Juan Chavez y Trujillo grabbed my father, a young boy of ten years, threw him up onto the horse behind him and made a hasty escape among poorly placed bullets.
My father’s biggest complaint seemed to be that as the horse took one long stride after another, the saddle, behind which he was sitting, was pinching his inner thighs.
No matter how loud he complained to Grandpa Juan Chavez y Trujillo his cries fell on deaf ears. Sheep are still raised in many places in the original cradle of the west and have had a sub species named after the state where they were introduced into what is today’s US of A.
It is a hair (meat) sheep, Ovis Dalli Novo Mexicanis, or the New Mexican Dall Sheep, developed by descendents of the Belen Land Grant founders of 1742, (original founder Diego de Torres), at Terra Patre Farm, Belen, New Mexico, USA. HAIR SHEEP HISTORY By Donald Chávez Y Gilbert The First Domesticated Hair Sheep While there is a lack of precise certitude in the case of Churro Sheep history, where “hair” sheep are concerned there appears to be utter confusion around the country.
One hour on the internet reading assorted hair sheep web site’ descriptions of the history of hair sheep and you will find almost as many arbitrary variations, descriptions, and histories as there are web sites.
An effort to site proper authorities on hair sheep here should narrow down the parameters and lend some credence and consistency to the real history of hair sheep. Between six and ten thousand years BC sheep, goats, and cattle were being domesticated.
Domesticated woolen sheep, “woolies,” are so ubiquitous that it is probably safe to assume that most non-ranching folks are of the mindset that wool have always been “woolies.” As a matter of clarification, I should begin this section by stating that it is not natural for sheep to have a heavy fleece all year round. The first sheep domesticated by our ancestors were wild hair sheep.
Hair sheep to varying degrees, depending on climate naturally grow warm insulating wool as well as hair (like that of a goat) during the cold months of the year.
As the weather warms, the wool fleece sheds leaving only the hair behind.
This is a practical adaptation.
Over the past eight thousand years, mankind has selectively bred sheep more for its’ ability to produce wool and less for its hardiness.
That is why the Churra sheep imported from the Iberian Peninsula which still carries some of these attributes of more primitive sheep like fecundity, hair plus wool, as well as hardiness were so successful over other strains of sheep and were a perfect strain to maintain by the first Hispanic ranchers living through many spells of hard times.
The hardiest people kept the hardiest livestock. There are many species of these wild sheep ranging in habitats in what is referred to as the Great Arc, (like the shape of ram horns), of the Wild Sheep, beginning with Mouflon sheep in western Europe across the Bering Straits to the American Bighorns in southwestern USA.
Clark has published a great book on these ancient wild sheep called The Great Arc of the Wild Sheep, University of Oklahoma press, 1994.
The ancient sheep domesticated by man originated globally north of the equator and have been disseminated by nomadic people all over the world.
One example mentioned above sites the French who borrowed sheep from Spain when French King Louis XVI imported over three hundred Spanish Merinos for his estate at Rambouilette, France in 1786 crossing them with his native French sheep and naming them after the French community “Rambouilette.” And so went the practice of borrowing and renaming animals until there are far too many subspecies to mention. Since the decline of the wool industry in the twentieth century, domesticated hair sheep, also referred to as meat sheep have become more popular for a number of reasons.
They are great sheep for the beginner or hobbyist.
As mentioned above, hair sheep are more resistant to disease, parasites, and climate changes.
They are less expensive and easier to keep because they need no shearing, are hardy, prolific, and more forgiving than woolies.
Finally, their meat lacks that mutton taste some people find distasteful. The first reference to hair sheep appears in Spanish journals, references to their discoveries in the Canary Islands.
The best reference to the origins of hair sheep comes from translated archives.
This is a direct verbatim quote, (albeit a bit awkward), from Spanish to English by A.
Delgado and E.
Rodero – El Ganado Andaluz Primitivo Y Sus Implicaciones En El Descubrimiento De America. “It is clear, because of in the archipelago there did not exist cattle, horses, asses or camels before the (Spanish) conquest and the pre-Hispanic canary sheep had special characteristics (they present hair, not wool), not mentioned in America’s farming at this time.” Although these hair sheep are not described any further to give us a clue as to whether they were related to modern St.
Croix sheep, Blackbellys (AKA Barbados), Wiltshire Horn or any other of the known older hair sheep species, these are the hair sheep the Spanish shipped to the Americas.
He continues…“The Spaniards found the Canaries inhabited by a mythic people called the Guanches, coming from the vicinal Africa as was shown by their racial characteristic (Mediterranean) and their language (similar to the Berberlanguage), at though with the precedence of other ethnic groups in a lesser degree (Nordics, Negroids and Cro-Magnon), all of them with a difficultly explicable origin.
The Guanches were principally farmers, and the waitings there mentioned the presence of goats, pigs, sheep, and a high abundance of dogs,(canines); the last probably gave the name to these Islands: Canarias, from the Latin Canis.
The characteristics of these livestock showed a clear African roots. The location of the archipelago as a crossroad between continents and the demand of products from the new colonies brought good commercial profits to the Islands, after the Discovery of America.” “The Canary Islands were a necessary stop on the way to America.
In 1404 Castilla occupied it permanently.
It was the beginning of their colonization and europeatization.” — Barbados Blackbelly Sheep According to R.I.
Williams, and F.C.
Youssef in their Origin and History of the Barbados Blackbelly, “in tropical America there are two quite different types of sheep.
In the highlands there is a woolen sheep, called Criollo, which originated from the coarse-woolen Churro imported from Spain during the period 1548 to 1812.
It is a small to medium-sized animal producing a small quantity of coarse wool which is important for the cottage wool industry.
The males have horns.
Colour is often white but coloured and pied animals are common. This is the principal breed in Mexico, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Colombia, Venezuela, Guyana, Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia.
There are also small populations in Haiti and the Dominican Republic. The second type of sheep is wool-less or hair sheep whose colour is commonly tan (red-brown), white, or patterns involving tan.
Males lack horns but are characterized by a shoulder and throat ruff of long hair.
This hair sheep is found in many Caribbean islands and in mainland countries along the north coast of South America.
Populations will be described from Barbados, Virgin Islands, Bahamas, Cuba, Mexico, Dominican Republic, Colombia and Brazil.
The hair sheep is of African origin but, in countries where wooled Criollo sheep do not occur (eg Cuba), it may be termed “Criollo” which tends to be confusing.” Rodero’s citation of Spanish discovery of hair sheep as being of African origin and “the location of the archipelago as a crossroad between continents and the demand of products from the new colonies brought good commercial profits to the Islands, after the Discovery of America,” makes it reasonably clear that these sheep were exported and marketed in the Americas by Spanish and Portuguese merchants, beginning with the Carrabean Islands chain between Antigua to Barbados, and St.
Lydekker in The Sheep and its Cousins, London: George Allen Press wrote about the Guinea long-legged sheep: “Early in the seventeenth century these sheep were carried by the Portuguese to the northern districts of Brazil, while about the same time, or perhaps still earlier, they were introduced by the Spaniards into the West Indies and Guiana….” Notwithstanding the obvious connection with the Spanish, R.K.
Williams and F.C.
Youssef do not credit the Spanish or the Portuguese with the introduction of hair sheep to the Island of Barbados.
They do state, however, that, “it is generally agreed that these hair sheep were introduced into Barbados from West Africa.
They have existed in Barbados for well over three hundred years.” Another well known African hair sheep introduced in the 1500’s by Iberian explorers is the St.
Instead of creditinig the Spanish or Portuguese predecessors they cite Ligon who guesses that the Blackbelly hair sheep “must have been introduced between 1624 and 1657.” That is the time when British explorer Sir William Curteens during a storm accidently blew onto on the Isle of Barbados after the Portuguese and Spanish had come and gone. R.K.
Williams and F.C.
Youssef go on to quote Ligon, “we have here, but very few [sheepe]; and these do not like well the pasture, being very unfit for them; a soure tough and saplesse grasse, and some poisonous plant they find, which breeds diseases amongst them, and so they dye away, they never are fat, and we thought a while the reason had been, their too much heate with their wool, and so got them often shorne; but that would not cure them, yet the Ews bear always two Lambs, their flesh when we tried any of them had a very faint taste, so that I do not think they are fit to be bred or kept in that Country: other sheep we have there, which are brought from Guinny and Binny, and those have haire growing on them instead of wool; and are liker Goates than Sheep, yet their flesh is tasted more like mutton than the other”. “Guinny” is clearly Guinea, the Gulf rather than the present country of that name. “Binny” may be-Benin, or Benny on the Niger Delta. …It is clear that wool sheep did not thrive; nothing is said about the thrift of the hair sheep.
The curious thing is that the high fertility is attributed to the wool sheep whereas it is now the hair sheep which exhibit this characteristic.
Could this have been a result of crossbreeding combined with selection? A hundred years later the wool sheep had apparently died out since Hughes (1750) wrote: “The Sheep that are natural to this climate and are chiefly bred here, are hairy like Goats.
To be covered with Wool, would be as prejudicial to them in these hot Climates as it is useful in Winter Countries for Shelter and Warmth”. At present the Ministry of Agriculture estimates that there are something over 30,000 sheep in Barbados; about one-third are purebred Blackbelly …, another one-third are grade Blackbelly (off-type in colour or with white spots) and the remaining are “others” (see Frontispiece).
The last category includes hair sheep of other colours such as, white, tan, black or pied, and crosses with Blackhead Persian and wool sheep (mainly Wiltshire Horn).
In fact in or around 1950, simultaneous importations of Wiltshire Horn sheep from the U.K.
Occurred in Barbados (Patterson, 1976), Tobago (Trinidad and Tobago, 1953) and Guyana (Devendra, 1975) with the objective of improving the quality of local sheep by crossbreeding.
It has been estimated in Barbados that about 10 percent of the lambs born from woolless sheep at present are more or less woolly and these are not kept for breeding. The Blackbelly was the commonest breed on the estates surveyed by Patterson and Nurse (1974).
Sixty-three percent had only this breed and on the others the dominant type was Blackbelly crossbred.
A few farms kept Wiltshires.
The Blackbelly was the dominant breed on all the small farms in the survey; Blackbelly crosses were next in importance and Wiltshires were present on only 12 of the 97 farms surveyed.” North American Hair Sheep Finding evidence of any particular subspecies of sheep let alone hair sheep in the literature is a lonely and rare experience because so little history was reduced to writing and so much history was passed on in the form of oral history that more specific details tend to become lost from one telling to the next.
Evidently, hair sheep flocks have quietly maintained their existence tucked away behind the scenes in distant pastures on remote farms like so many other livestock pursuits in the isolated state of New Mexico, a saving grace as it turns out in the preservation of many aspects of cowboy/ranching history as well as a saving grace in preserving the almost extinct NM Dahl sheep.
New Mexico Dahl sheep share most characteristics with other hair sheep most notably Texas Dall sporting a coat of hair along with a coat of light wool which sheds in the spring and summer.
Both breeds’ rams have beautifully horned rams, but the New Mexico Dahl breed is distinctive as it shares some characteristics with Rocky Mountain Big Horn sheep such as horned ewes, larger based horns, muscular body frames, some dark colored hooves, and a more flannel looking pelt.
Until DNA tests are administered to NM Dahl sheep to verify Big Horn out crossing ancestry we live with the theory that during that feral four hundred years in remote New Mexico Mountains and deserts from time to time when NM Dahl ewes were in estrus, Rocky Mountain Big Horn rams answered the call of nature and bred some of these ewes. Family journals, when they can be found are a rich source of history and should be preserved and published at any cost.
The first mention of hair sheep I found was in the family journals (provided in 1998 by the Mascareñas family of Belen, NM) of some of the founding families of New Mexico.
Specifically, the family of Juan Lopez Holguin, born in Extremadura, Spain, 1560 who traveled to Mexico City where he married Catalina de Villanueva.
Their daughter, Ana Maria Ortiz, born circa 1570, wife of Cristobal Baca, born 1567 in Mexico City refers to one of the few most portable animals salvaged during the 1680 Indian Pueblo massacre as they fled Santa Fe and resettled in the Las Cruces, NM area.
She makes a point of identifying los “borregos de pelo” “hair sheep,” as the ones selected to make the trip, as opposed to the slower unshorn “borregos de lana,” woolies, abandoned in Santa Fe.
In another later passage, in the early 1700s there is mentioned by Maria Hurtado, wife of Manuel Baca, born in Santa Fe a list of animals brought with them from Bernalillo, NM to the new town of Alburquerque, NM which included, “una media docena de vacas, e once borregos especiales de pelo.” These are the only references to hair sheep specifically which I find documenting the importation of hair sheep in North America. The wool sheep industry has so dominated sheep ranching in America that there is hardly any mention of hair sheep in historical accounts.
An effort to revive the New Mexican Hair sheep breed is being made at Terra Patre Farm, Belen, NM. Professor Lemuel Goode at North Carolina University experimented with crossbreeding Mouflon, Rambouilette (Merino), and Barbados Blackbelly sheep in 1971.
The cross resulted in a subspecies which is generally referred to as the Corsican sheep.
It has a wide variety of colors and color patterns ranging from pure black, pure white and spotted combinations.
The state of Texas enjoying a healthy “canned hunt” industry has bred these variations in turn into more sub species with larger more impressive horns for trophy hunts.
As noted above the black strain is called “Black Hawaiian,” the white, “Texas Dall,” and the spotted, “Painted Desert.” The states assigned to the names are not where these sheep originated.
They were arbitrarily assigned as a marketing strategy. Late twentieth century experiments with Rocky Mountain Big horn/domesticated crossed sheep even with AI, (artificial insemination), programs the offspring were born without sufficient immune systems to combat domestic sheep diseases, particularly pneumonia.
The lambs died off before reaching sexual maturity.
However, early twenty first century programs have successfully out crossed wild Rocky Mountain Big Horn and Alaskan Dahl, Ovis Dali Dali, sheep with Mouflon and other domestic hair sheep. RAISING “HAIR” SHEEP versus RAISING “WOOLIES” At this point readers who are considering getting into the rewarding sheep business are begging the question “what next.” This section provides an overview of the pluses and minuses of raising hair sheep. Selling Points: — even though has a common origin in Spain and Portugal although lacking a very heterogeneous pool of genes.
According to Serrera (1977) a great part of the criolla breeds of cattle that originated in Mexico during the colonial period in a greater or lesser degree formed a part of a primitive common trunk of cattle, the Retinto breed or the Guadalquivir breed, brought over by the Spanish in the first decades of the colonization of the territory.
We are in accordance with Primo (1990) in his opinion that the ancestors of the New World cattle were Andalusian animals shipped from the Canary Islands and with De Alba (1987) who thinks that the Tropical Criollo have their origins in animals from Andalusia and the Canaries. The similarities found by Rouse (1977) are known between the Criollo Cows and the Andalusian Retinta and Berrendas breeds.
Finally, we coincide with Tudela (1987) in his opinion about the caprine livestock in the New World; they had a wonderful adaptation and dispersion on this continent, populating hot and cold areas, and sometimes becoming wild.
All of them must have come from the Canaries, from Andalusia, and other populations from Cabo Verde and Guinea.
The similarities between the present American breeds and the occidental population is still evident at the present time.” The first English speaking settlers in the Mexican province of Tejas, (Texas), arrived in the year 1821 lead by a man named Steve F.
They relinquished their U.S.
Citizenship swearing allegiance to the new government of Mexico to become citizens of Mexico, the first English speaking Mexicans.
Texas was a completely foreign environment for them.
Free ranging Corriente Long Horn cattle were so abundant that the new Anglo settlers needed only throw a rope and register a brand to become a cattleman.
Anglo Texans took cowboy lessons from the Mexican ranchers/vaqueros who had been developing the sheep and cattle ranching industry for three hundred years, or by apprenticing to seasoned vaqueros as wranglers until they learned the ropes. An avid student of the cowboy and ranching life, Austin and many other Mexican converts and eventually Texans to be learned, and borrowed everything Mexican from their Vaquero teachers, the methods of working cows, the vaquero clothes, music, language, even his registered brand bears a striking resemblance to the Christian crosses brand of Hernan Cortez, click on HYPERLINK http://www.nmhcpl.com/image3.html 2nd Brands Figure for Cortez brands, and HYPERLINK http://www.nmhcpl.com/image4.html U.S.
Brands, Figure 2-B for U.S.
Ranching spread throughout the U.S.
Great Plains between 1865 & 1880.
In 1868 construction on the Atchison Topeka and Santa Fe railroad began in the south aimed at the west coast.
Anglo settlers began establishing successful ranchos of their own.
By 1869, Texans drove more than 300,000 head to the railhead in Abilene, Kansas for sale and shipment to their meat hungry families in the eastern U.S.A.
In contrast, on the Eastern Seaboard of the U.S.
In areas like Virginia by 1784, cattle from Virginia in small numbers, (less than 100 at a time) were being driven into the Ohio Valley for summer grazing.
Mounted herdsmen were virtually unknown compared to the system of using numbers of trained dogs more commonly applied to manage the cattle.
Davy Crockett wrote in his autobiography that he took a herd of cattle 400 miles, afoot, across the mountains of Tennessee into Virginia.
In 1850 the English Thoroughbred was introduced to the U.S.
Although superior in speed to the Spanish pony, it was not intelligent enough to work cattle. Cowboy Heraldry – Brands Within ten years of the introduction of livestock to the North American continent by the Spanish in 1519, there was such an abundance of live stock that it became necessary to organize the first cowboy stockmen’s association or Mesta on June 16, 1529.
The Mesta, (cowboy/sheepmen’s or stockmen’s association), required that all ranchers register their brands in books kept in Mexico City.
Click on HYPERLINK http://www.nmhcpl.com/image2.html 1st Brands Figure, 2-A, Brands MMM, pg 24, The American Cowboy, pg 139.
The first brand used in the Americas, was the three Christian Crosses of Hernan Cortes.
Some sources claim his was also the brand of the largest sheep and cattle ranch in history.
However, other sources say that Don Luis Terrazas was the largest ranch in the world covering the greater part of the state of Chihuahua, Mexico.
Click on HYPERLINK http://www.nmhcpl.com/image3.html 2nd Brands Figure for both Terrazas and Cortez brands (and others).
Terrazas used to claim that given a month he could deliver then thousand head of cattle of any particular color, gender, or age.
The system of brands and brand registration was three-fold.
First, the fierro or iron brand was burned into the animal’s flank hide, second was the senal or ear-mark.
Lastly, the venta or sale brand was stamped on the animal’s shoulder as a bill of sale.
The new brand was burned below the venta brand and the new transaction was recorded.
Some of these brands may seem a bit over done considering the price the animal had to pay but they are considerably less elaborate than using half the side of the animal required to place the full coat of arms used on Spanish ranches prior to the time of bringing livestock to the Americas.
Great Haciendas and ranchos spread throughout New Spain, which included New Mexico. COWBOYS – VAQUEROS Origins Of The first American Cowboys Chapter 6 By Donald Chavez Y Gilbert The Role of the Saddle According to James S.
Hutchins, from the Dwight D.
Eisenhower Institute for Historical Research, National Museum of History and Technology, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. 20560, …it is probable that a large proportion of modern Americans, if put to the test, would identify an example of the western riding saddle on sight as a cowboy saddle.
Should this prove to be the case among a people of whom by far the greater number have never had real contact with the horse or equestrian equipage, then much of the credit much go to Hollywood.
Most of our notions about the cowboy and his appurtenances have come from the westerns of motion pictures and television. Ahlborn goes on to say, …looking back more than a century historians are aware that America’s story owes something of significance to the western saddle, even before the Anglo cowboy appeared in large numbers.
The western stock saddle of Hispanic-Mexican origin, along with parallel innovations within American Indian societies, can be used as a device to describe and illuminate aspects of nineteenth-century American cultures. Indeed, the cowboy culture along with its’ uninterrupted and continuous presence of the Hispanic influence lives on today in New Mexico, a land of vast open spaces which boasts lush riparian Rio Grande valley landscapes, high desserts, to the equally lush pine covered forest of the Sangre de Cristo Rocky Mountains.
New Mexico has 6 of the 7 life zones of the North American continent.
Along side the modern day working and part-time cowboys, there continues to thrive both Anglo and Hispanic Vaqueros on ranches, farms, and hobbyists all over the state of New Mexico.
One cannot understand the culture of the early vaquero without understanding his relationship with his saddle.
Ergo the metaphor – what the motorcar was to the American 20th century traveler, or working employee, (who used a car or truck to make a living), the saddle was to the American traveler and cowboy one to four hundred years immediately prior.
What was under the hood, be it horses or horse power did not change much.
Rather, it was the drivers’ set and all its accouterments that we have obsessed about.
Henry Ford mass produced the first motorcar and the Spanish Vaquero invented the first western cowboy saddle. What we term the western saddle, Americans of the first half of the nineteenth century generally referred to as the Spanish saddle.
Thus they showed their awareness of its place of origin.
Americans of that time commonly used the term Spanish to distinguish whatever related to New Spain-Mexico and her provinces to the north: Texas, New Mexico and California.
And within the locus of the New World, it was specifically in Mexico, (which included modern day New Mexico), during her long centuries under Spanish rule that the western saddle originated and underwent a very great deal of its development.
By the outset of the nineteenth century the saddle used by the horsemen of New Mexico was founded upon a saddletree incorporating practically all the elements of design by which the western tree is distinguished even today.
As Arthur Woodward and others have shown, the Mexican caballero strove always to combine the practical and, insofar as his purse would allow, the elegant in his riding equipment. — Cooking Time: Approximately 5 minutes Temperature: Medium Ingredients: 1/4 cup blue corn, atole flour 2 cups milk, approximately 1/2 cup water 1/2 teaspoon salt 2 cups boiling, salted water Sugar 1/2 teaspoon baking soda Directions: 1.
Dissolve atole flour in water in a medium-sized saucepan.
Add to boiling, salted water and cook for 3 minutes at medium heat.
Add baking soda and stir briskly. 2.
Place milk and salt in a small saucepan and scald, but do not boil. 3.
Serve thickened mixture with hot milk sugar, or both. 4.) Batido para Chile Rellenos (Batter for Stuffed Green Chiles) Enough for 12 chiles Ingredients: 1 cup flour 3/4 cup cornmeal 1 teaspoon baking powder 1 cup milk, approximately, more may be added 1/2 teaspoon salt2 eggs, slightly beaten batter Directions: 1.combine flour, baking powder, salt, and cornmeal in a medium-sized bowl. 2.
Blend milk with eggs and add to dry ingredients.
Mix well. 3.
Proceed with step 4 of Chiles Rellenos recipe. 5.) Biscochitos (Cookies) Makes: 5 dozen Baking Time: 10-12 minutes Temperature: 350°F Ingredients: 1 pound lard 3 teaspoons baking powder — Directions: 1.combine flour, baking powder, and salt in a large mixing bowl. 2.
Add warm water to flour mixture and work into a smooth and elastic dough. 3.
Divide dough into balls of desired size.* On a board lightly dusted with cornmeal or flour, roll out each ball of dough into a 1/4-inch thick circle.
Cut a hole in the center of each circle. 4.
Heat 2 inches of shortening in a heavy pan at medium-high heat. 5.
Fry the dough, one circle at a time, until golden on both sides, turning once.
Drain on absorbent towels. 9.) Bread Indian -Pan Isleta (Isleta Bread) Makes: 2 loaves Baking Time: 1 hour, Temperature: 350°F Ingredients: 1 package active dry yeast 1/4 teaspoon salt 1/4 cup warm water (105°-115°F) 1 cup hot water 1/2 teaspoon shortening 5 cups flour, approximately 1/4 teaspoon honey Directions: 1.
Dissolve yeast in warm water in a small mixing bowl.
Set aside. 2.
Place shortening, honey, and salt in a large mixing bowl and add hot water.
Stir to dissolve shortening and cool to room temperature. 3.
When shortening mixture has cooled to room temperature, add yeast mixture. 4.
Gradually add flour to mixture until a moderately firm dough has been formed.
Knead dough on a lightly floured board until it is smooth and elastic. 5.
Place dough in a greased bowl, cover, and allow to rise until it is double in size.* 6.
Punch dough down, knead, and allow doubling in size again. 7.
Divide dough into two equal parts and shape each into a flat circle approximately 8 inches in diameter.
Fold the circle almost in half, allowing the bottom half to extend beyond the top half by about 1 inch. 8.
Using a sharp knife, slash the dough twice, dividing the loaf partially into thirds. 9.
Place the dough into two greased, 9-inch pie plates, arranging the loaf so that the slashes are separated, giving a crescent effect to the loaf.
Cover and allow dough to rise again until it is doubled in size. 10 Place a shallow pan of water on bottom rack of oven.
Place the loaves in the oven so that neither is directly above the water.
Bake loaves in a 350°F oven for 1 hour. 10.) Bread Rolls -Molletes (Anise Seed Rolls) Makes: 3-3 1/2 dozen Baking Time: 20-25 minutes, Temperature: 375°F Ingredients: 1 package active dry yeast 2 eggs 2 tablespoons sugar 1 teaspoon salt 2 cups warm water (105°-115°F) 1 teaspoon anise seed 1/2 cup shortening 6-7 cups flour — 1.
Brown beef in shortening in a large skillet at medium-high heat.
Reduce heat and add water to beef.
Cover and simmer at low heat until tender.
Add more water if necessary. 2.
Add remaining ingredients, except cheese, to beef and cook at medium heat until squash is tender.
Garnish with cheese before serving. 14.) Caldo de Chile Nuevo Mexicano (New Mexico Chile Soup) Ingredients: 1/2 teaspoon onion salt 1/2 cup chopped green chile* 1/2 teaspoon garlic salt 1/2 cup sharp cheddar cheese cubed 1 1/2 teaspoon salt Directions: 1.combine all ingredients in a blender container and process at high speed until pureed. 2.
Pour ingredients into a large saucepan and heat at medium heat, stirring constantly until mixture is steaming hot and cheese is melted.
Serve hot. 15.) Carne Adovada (Marinated Pork) Roasting Time: 40-60 minutes Temperature: 350°F Ingredients: 4 cloves garlic or one tablespoon garlic powder 1/2 cup red HYPERLINK http://www.foodterms.com/encyclopedia/chili-powder/index.html chili powder 1 tablespoon salt 5 pounds lean pork steaks 1 tablespoon oregano 1 cup olive oil or vegetable oil 2 teaspoons ground HYPERLINK http://www.foodterms.com/encyclopedia/cumin/index.html cumin Worcestershire sauce Place the pork medallions in a shallow pan.
Add olive oil (or vegetable oil), red chili powder, salt, garlic powder, cumin, and a dash of HYPERLINK http://www.foodterms.com/encyclopedia/worcestershire-sauce/index.html Worcestershire sauce.
Cover and refrigerate for at least 1 hour, up to 24 hours. Directions: 1.
Place pork steaks in large, glass baking dish and add olive oil (or vegetable oil), red chili powder, salt, garlic powder, cumin, and a dash of HYPERLINK http://www.foodterms.com/encyclopedia/worcestershire-sauce/index.html Worcestershire sauce. 2.
Cover and refrigerate for 2-24 hours. 3.
Place drained, marinated steaks in a 350°F oven and roast for 40-60 minutes. 16.) Caldillo (Northern New Mexico-style Soup) Cooking Time: Approximately 35 minutes Ingredients: 1 pound lean ground beef 1 teaspoon salt 2 cups diced potatoes 1/4 teaspoon celery salt 1/2 cup finely chopped onions !/2 teaspoon pepper 4 cups water 1/4 cup chopped green chile* Directions: 1.
Fry beef in a medium-sized saucepan at medium heat until browned.
Add potatoes and continue to fry until potatoes are golden brown. 2.
Add onions, water, seasonings, and chile. 3.
Cover and simmer at low heat until potatoes are tender.
Serve hot. 17.) Caldo de Chile Nuevo Mexicano (New Mexico Chile Soup) Ingredients: 1/2 teaspoon onion salt 1/2 cup chopped green chile* 1/2 teaspoon garlic salt 1/2 cup sharp cheddar cheese cubed 1 1/2 teaspoon salt Directions: 1.combine all ingredients in a blender container and process at high speed until pureed. 2.
Pour ingredients into a large saucepan and heat at medium heat, stirring constantly until mixture is steaming hot and cheese is melted. 18.) Chilaquiles (Tortilla Casserole) Cooking Time: 20-25 minutes Temperature: Medium-High, Medium-Low Ingredients: Shortening 1 recipe Basic Red Chile Sauce* 6 Corn Tortillas* 1/2 pound Monterey Jack cheese cubed. 1/4 cup shortening 3/4 cup sliced Mexican chorizos 1/2 cup chopped onion Directions: 1.
Heat 1/2 inch of shortening in a heavy pan at medium-high heat. 2.
Quickly dip each tortilla into the shortening to soften.
Drain on absorbent towels.
Set aside. 3.
Heat 1/4 cup shortening in a medium-sized skillet.
Add onion to the shortening and sauté at medium heat.
Add chile sauce, cheese, chorizos, and tortillas to sautéed onion.
Cook mixture at low heat until cheese is melted and tortillas are tender. — Heating Time depending on altitude approximately10 minutes.
Temperature: 350°F Medium-High Ingredients: Shortening 2 cups grated sharp cheddar cheese 12 Corn Tortillas 1 1/2 cups Guacamole Salt 1 1/2 cups shredded lettuce 3 cups Frijoles Refritos 2 tomatoes, chopped 2 cups Red or Green Salsa Directions: 1.
Heat 4 inches of shortening in a heavy pan at medium-high heat. 2.
Fry each tortilla in hot shortening, submerging it with a round, wooden roller, ladle, or similar object. (Tortilla will form into a cup shape.) Drain on absorbent towels and sprinkle lightly with salt. 3.
Fill chalupa with 1/4 cup of beans, 2 tablespoons of salsa, and 2 tablespoons of cheese. 4.
Place chalupas on a baking sheet and heat in a 375°F oven for approximately 10 minutes, or until cheese melts. 5.
Garnish chalupas with lettuce, tomato, and guacamole before serving. 21.) Chicharrones (Cracklings) Temperature: Medium Ingredients: 1 pound pork steak, cubed 1/4 teaspoon garlic salt 1/2 teaspoon salt 1.
Fry pork in a heavy skillet at medium heat until crisp.
Drain on absorbent towels. 2.
Season cracklings with salt and garlic salt. 22.) Chile Con Carne Para Tamales (Chile-Meat Filling) Cooking Time: Approximately 45 minutes Temperature: Medium Ingredients: — Frying Time: Approximately 5-10 minutes, Temperature: Medium-High Ingredients: Shortening Batter for Stuffed Green 12 large, peeled, whole green chiles with stems. Chile Red or Green Chile Sauce* 1 pound sharp cheddar cheese, cut into strips Directions: 1.
Heat 4 inches of shortening in a heavy pan on medium-high heat. 2.
Slit chiles open crosswise below stems. 3.
Insert strips of cheese into chiles. 4.
Dip stuffed chile into batter and fry in hot shortening until golden brown.
Drain on absorbent towels. 5.
Serve with red or green chile sauce. 26.) Chiles Rellenos Norte Nuevo Mexicanos (Northern New Mexico-style Stuffed Green Chiles) Cooking Time: 20 minutes Ingredients: 1/2 pound lean ground beef 1/4 teaspoon cumin 1/4 cup finely chopped onion 1 cup chopped green chile 2 tablespoons flour 4 eggs 1 1/2 cups beef bouillon 4 whole green chiles, stems removed 3/4 teaspoon salt 1/4 teaspoon oregano 1/4 teaspoon garlic powder 1/4 pound sharp cheddar cheese Directions: 1.
Fry ground beef and onion in a medium-sized skillet at medium heat until beef is browned.
Stir in flour and add bouillon and seasonings.
Stir and cook until sauce begins to thicken.
Add chopped green chile and simmer at low heat for 15 minutes. — 2 tablespoons shortening 2 cups grated cheddar cheese 1 large onion, thinly sliced (optional) Shredded lettuce (optional) 1 garlic clove, minced Tomato sedges (optional) 1 large tomato, cored and diced 1 teaspoon salt Directions: 1.
Place the chicken, water, onion, celery, 2 garlic cloves, and bay leaf in a medium-sized stewing pot.
Cook chicken at medium heat for approximately 1 1/2 hours, or until the chicken is tender.
Allow chicken to cool, remove meat from bones, and chop. (Broth from chicken may be reserved for future use). 2.
Place shortening, sliced onion, and 1 minced garlic clove in a medium-sized skillet and sauté mixture at medium heat until onion is tender.
Add the chopped chicken, tomato, jalapeño chile, and remaining seasonings and simmer at low heat for 10-15 minutes. 3.
Place approximately 1/2 cup of chicken mixture horizontally across the bottom half of each tortilla.
Do not extend the mixture beyond 1 1/2 inches at the sides and bottom.
Fold the sides in over the filling and roll the tortilla jelly-roll style.
Secure each roll with a toothpick. 4.
Heat 2-inches of shortening in a heavy pan at medium-high heat. 5.
Fry each rolled tortilla in hot shortening until crisp and lightly browned.
Drain on absorbent towels. 6.
Assemble the chimichangas by placing each rolled tortilla on a plate and garnish with 1/4 cup of sour cream, 2 tablespoons of guacamole, 1/3 cup of cheddar cheese, lettuce, and tomato wedges. 28.) Chipotle Grilled Corn Ingredients: 6 ears of fresh corn 1/4 tsp.
Salt 2 Tablespoons frozen orange juice concentrate 1 Tablespoons plain yogurt 1 chipotle chile in adobo sauce, seeds removed, minced 4 Tablespoons unsalted butter 2 Tablespoons real maple syrup 1 to 2 cloves of garlic, minced Directions: 1.
Preheat your BBQ to medium high or prepare coals.
Remove the silk tassel from the top of each ear of corn and remove the outer layer of husks.
Grill corn for 10 to 15 minutes, turning every couple of minutes.
It is normal if the corn husks will become charred with grill marks. 2.
Add milk to mixture and scald, but do not boil.
Remove saucepan from heat and add vanilla. Prepare the Chipotle Sauce 1.
Keep in mind you can adjust the heat in the sauce by varying the amount of chipotle chile you add. 2.
Break open the chile and remove the seeds with a knife. 3.
Add all the ingredients except the yogurt to a sauce pan over very low heat and stir well. — Prickly pears* 3 cups sugar Boiling water 1/2 cup lemon juice Cheesecloth 6 ounces liquid fruit pectin Directions: 1.
Place prickly pears in a large saucepan or kettle.
Cover prickly pears with boiling water; allow standing for 2-3 minutes, and pouring off water. (This aids in softening stickers of prickly pears.) 2.
Peel prickly pears, cut into pieces, and place in a medium-sized saucepan.
Cover prickly pears with water and boil at high heat for 5 minutes. 3.
Pour boiled mixture through cheesecloth.
Drain as much juice as possible.
Discard seeds. 4.
Measure juice.combine 3 cups of cactus juice, sugar, and lemon juice in a large saucepan or kettle. 5.
Bring mixture to a rolling boil.
Reduce heat to medium-high, add liquid pectin, and cook mixture for 8-12 minutes, or until the mixture begins to thicken.
Skim off any foam that may have formed. 6.
Pour mixture into hot, sterilized, half-pint canning jars.
Seal jars according to manufacturer’s directions. 7.
Process jars in a Boiling Water Bath for five minutes.
Test seal when cooled. 46.) Jicama (Jicama Appetizer) Ingredients: 1 tablespoon salt 1-2 pounds jicama, peeled and thinly sliced 1/4 teaspoon Red Chile Powder 1 lime cut in wedges Directions: 1.combine salt and chile powder in a small serving bowl 2.
Arrange jicama on a serving tray with the bowl of seasonings and lime wedges. 3.
To eat, rub lime over jicama and dip it into seasoning. 47.) Masa (Cornmeal Mixture) Filling for 5-6 dozen tamales Ingredients: 6 cups masa harina 2 cups lard 3 1/2 cups warm water, approximately 2 teaspoons salt — 1/4 cup warm water (105°-115°F) 1 teaspoon baking powder 1 tablespoon sugar 4 cups flour 1 1/4 cups scalded milk, cooled 1 tablespoon Shortening/vegetable oil Directions: 1.
Dissolve yeast in water and add to milk. 2.combine dry ingredients in a medium-sized mixing bowl and cut in shortening/vegetable oil. 3.
Make a well in center of dry ingredients.
Add liquid to dry ingredients and work into a dough. 4.
Knead dough for 10 minutes, or until smooth; cover, and set aside. 5.
Heat 2 inches of shortening in a heavy pan at medium-high heat. 6.
Roll dough to a 1/8 inch thickness on a lightly floured board.
Cut dough into 4-inch squares and fry until golden on both sides, turning once. (If the shortening is sufficiently hot, the sopaipillas will puff and become hollow shortly after being placed in the shortening.) 7.
Drain sopaipillas on absorbent towels. 61.) Sopaipillas De Levadura Quimica (Baking Powder Puffed Bread) Makes 4 dozen Total Frying Time:15-20 minutes, Temperature: Medium High Ingredients: 4 cups flour 4 tablespoons shortening 2 teaspoons baking powder 1 1/2 cups warm water 1 teaspoon salt Shortening Directions: 1.combine dry ingredients in a medium-sized mixing bowl and cut in shortening. 2.
Make a well in center of dry ingredients.
Add water to dry ingredients and work into dough. 3.
Knead dough until smooth, cover, and set aside for 20 minutes. 4.
Heat 2 inches of shortening in a heavy pan at medium-high heat. 5.
Roll dough to a 1/8-inch thickness on a lightly floured board.
Cut dough into 4-inch squares and fry until golden on both sides, turning once. (If shortening is sufficiently hot, the sopaipillas will puff and become hollow shortly after being placed in the shortening.) Drain sopaipillas on absorbent towels. 62.) Sopaipillas Rellenas (Stuffed Sopaipillas) Heating Time: 15 minutes, Temperature: 350°F Ingredients: 6 4-inch square sopaipillas* 2 cups Red or Green Chile 1 1/2 cups Frijoles Refritos and/or cooked ground beef Sauce Shredded lettuce 1 1/2 cup grated sharp cheddar cheese 1 medium onion, chopped Tomato wedges Directions: Cut a slit along one side of each sopaipilla with a sharp knife.
Fill sopaipillas with Frijoles Refritos and/or ground beef, onion, and cheese.
Place sopaipillas in individual dinner plates and top with chile sauce. Place in 350°F oven for 15 minutes, or until cheese is melted.
Garnish with lettuce and tomato wedges. 63.) Tacos (Filled, Fried Tortillas) Total Frying Time: Approximately 45 minutes, Temperature: Medium-High Medium Ingredients: 12 Corn Tortillas 2 tomatoes, chopped Shortening 3 cups grated sharp cheddar cheese 1 pound ground beef 3/4 teaspoon garlic salt 1 medium onion, chopped Red or Green Chile Salsa 2 cups shredded lettuce Directions: 1.
Heat 2 inches of shortening in a heavy skillet on medium-high heat. 2.
Holding a tortilla slightly open with tongs, immerse in the hot shortening and fry the bottom portion until crisp to form a shell.
Fry each side of the shell until crisp.
Drain on absorbent towels. 3.
Fry beef in a medium-sized skillet at medium heat until browned.
Season with garlic salt. 4.
Layer the meat and remaining ingredients in the taco shells.
Serve with red or green chile salsa. 64.) Tamal filling -Chile Con Carne Para Tamales (Chile-Meat Filling) Cooking Time: Approximately 45 minutes; Temperature: Medium Ingredients: 1 1/2 pounds beef or pork 2 cups meat broth stewed and shredded 1/2 teaspoon salt 1/2 teaspoon garlic salt 2 tablespoons lard 1/8 teaspoon oregano 1 tablespoon flour 1/4 teaspoon comino 1/2 cup red chile powder 1.combine meat and lard in a large skillet and fry meat at medium heat until browned. 2.
Add the flour to meat and cook for 1 minute, stirring constantly. 3.
Add the chile powder, broth, and seasonings to the meat.
Cook at medium heat for approximately 30 minutes, stirring constantly until the mixture has thickened. 65.) Tamales (Chile, Meat, Cornmeal-filled Corn Husks) Makes: 5-6 dozen Steaming Time: 45 minutes Ingredients: — Total Cooking Time: 20-25 minutes, Temperature: Medium-low to medium Ingredients: 4 cups flour 4 tablespoons to ¼ cup shortening/vegetable oil 2 teaspoons salt 1 1/2 cups warm milk, approximately 1 tablespoons baking powder Directions: 1.
Mix all of the ingredients together and cut in shortening/vegetable oil. 2.
Add milk, a small amount at a time, and work mixture into a dough. 3.
Knead dough until smooth, cover, and set aside for 10 minutes. 4.
Form dough into balls the size of an egg.
Roll each ball of dough into a circle 6 inches in diameter. 5.
Heat a griddle or skillet on medium-high heat.
Place on a dry, hot (medium-low) HYPERLINK http://www.foodterms.com/encyclopedia/griddle/index.html griddle and cook until brown on both sides, about 1 minute per side. 68.) Tortillas De Maiz (Corn Tortillas) Total Cooking Time: 25-30 minutes, Temperature: Medium-High Ingredients: 2 cups blue or yellow corn 1 teaspoon salt Masa Harina 1 2/3 cups boiling water Directions: 1.combine Masa Harina and salt in a medium-sized mixing bowl. 2.
Add boiling water and stir until dough resembles thick, cooked cereal. 3.
Wet hands and form dough into balls the size of an egg. 4.
Place each ball of dough between two lightly moistened pieces of press, rolling pin, or pressure from the hands.
If necessary use wax paper to prevent tortilla from sticking.
Roll and remove tortilla from waxed paper. 5.
Heat griddle or skillet on medium-high heat.
Place each tortilla on the griddle and cook for approximately 1 minute on each side. 69.) Tostadas Compuestas (Chile, Meat-filled Tortilla Boats) Total Frying Time: Approximately 5-10 minutes; Temperature: Medium-High Ingredients: Shortening/vegetable oil 2 cups shredded lettuce 6 corn tortillas 2 tomatoes, chopped 3 cups Chile Con Carne* 1 1/2 cups grated sharp cheddar cheese 1/2 cup chopped green onions Directions: 1.
Heat 4 inches of shortening in a heavy pan on medium-high heat. 2.
Fry tortillas in hot shortening until crisp, holding down in the center with round wooden roller ladle or similar object. (Tortilla will form into a cup shape.) Drain on absorbent towels. 3.
Fill each tostada with chile con carne and top with onions, lettuce, tomatoes, and cheese. 70.) Tostados (Tortilla Chips) Total Frying Time: Approx. 15 minutes, Temperature: Medium-High Ingredients: Shortening/vegetable oil Garlic Salt 12 Corn Tortillas* Red Chile Powder* (optional) Salt to taste Directions: 1.
Heat 2-inches of shortening in a heavy pan at medium-high heat. 2.
Cut tortillas into quarters to within 1/2 inch from center of tortilla. 3.
Fry tortillas until crist and drain well on absorbent towels. Separate each tortilla into four tostados.
Tostados may be sprinkled with salt, garlic salt, or chile powder. 71.) Verdolagas (Purslane) — charqui original word for jerky in English. charro a gentleman equestrian Chicano from Mexican word originally spelled Mechicano used to refer to a wider spectrum of Southwest people of Hispanic origin. Chicos: dried sweet corn kernels. chile, chili hot spicy peppers integral to the cuisine of the vaquero; chile Colorado – red chile, chile verde – green chile. Chile caribe: red chile pods ground and blended with water. Chile on queso: chile with cheese; served as a dip with tostados. Chile pequin: thin hot red chiles Chile relleno: stuffed chilie, green chile stuffed with cheese, dopped in eg batter, and fried. Chicharrones: cracklings made from pork fat with some meat attached. Chimiichanga: fried burrito stopped with salsa and or sour cream. chinch bug Spanish chince, meaning bed bug, (Flexner, 1976). chinks armitas, original chaps/chaparreras, a half-legging to just below the knee and laced around the legs. cholla chorizo: highly seasoned Mexican pork sausage. chow — harbor The early name of Spain, “Iberia , is Celtic and is derived from their word aber , or open as it translates in Spanish, meaning harbor or river . Harina: flour head-catch roping an animal by the head. headstall bridle. hediondilla a creosote bush. herrar to brand or mark with a hot iron. heel to rope an animal by the hind feet. hidalgo a nobleman of Spanish descent. hoja a leaf, also a corn-chuck used as cigarette paper. hombre the word for man. hombre del campo a rugged outdoorsman. honda from Spanish (hondo), the hole or slip ring end of the rope used to catch the animal. hondo meaning deep, used to refer to deep places like a deep arroyo. horn — a pointed rowel star at the end of the spur which rolls as the rider’s boot heel rakes the horse. Rodeo from Spanish word, rodear, to encircle the herd; later meaning a cowboy skill contest. rosaderos saddle fenders. salea a soft sheepskin placed between a horses back and saddle blanket, (P.
Watts). salsa de salsa, chile sauce made with fresh chile, tomatoes and onions. salsa pequin: very hot salsa made with chile pequin sometimes labeld taco sauce. salsa rancherita; thick sause (salsa chile) made with onions, green chile, tomatoes, and seasonings. sandia watermelon santo a saint or image of same. sarape a heavy shawl or small blanket sometimes with fringes at ends. sassafras from Spanish sasafras referring to sasafras soap, or sassafras tea – a medicinal herb. savvy from Spanish word save pronounced similary, meaning to know, infinitive form saber. sendero — from espuelas worn on boots, used to start a horse. stampede from estampida, the mass bolting of a herd of animals. stirrup from estribo, used to mount a horse and ride properly. tabasco liquor or sauce which is named after the Mexacan state of Tabasco. tablas del fuste saddle tree slats taco a Mexican dish made with corn tortillas filled with minced meat or beans, tomatoes, lettuce, cheese, and topped with hot chili sauce. talache a hand hoe, (Dobie, 1930) tamale a Mexican dish consisting of minced pork meat, chili, corn flour wrapped in corn husks steamed and/or baked. tapaderos leather covering over the stirrups to protect against brush. tapajos from tapa ojos – a blind for horses and mules. tasajero a building in which beef was smoked and dried, (Matthews, 1951) tasajo jerky. tegua soft moccasin type leather. teja
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